Fray Diego Duran, Book of the Gods and Rites (1579)

[Versión en español de este post]

Along with the work of fray Bernardino de Sahagún, Historia de la conquista de la Nueva España (published in 1585), the work of Diego Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano (manuscript completed in 1581, published in 1867), is a source of deep admiration for all those who wish to know what the encounter between the Mexica and European civilizations was like, what the life and values of the peoples who inhabited Central America were like, and how they lived through the conquest and their struggle to defend their civilization, its subsequent loss and the formation of a new mestizo culture.

Fray Diego Durán’s manuscript is composed of three parts: the history “of the Mexican nation and its exploits and the disastrous luck it had and its end” (1581), the book of the gods or “history and relation of the rites and sacrifices” (1579) and the ancient calendar (1579). It seems that Fray Diego Durán chose this order in his manuscript, although the chronological order is the one indicated in parentheses (see article, p.233). The quotation marks reflect the way in which the author referred to each of the parts of the manuscript (volume II, p. 60 ed. 1880 by Ramirez and volume I, p. 485 ed. 1867, respectively). It is usually published in two volumes, with the second and third parts grouped in volume two.

Fray Diego Durán’s work is fundamental in three key aspects: 1) it is a key work for the knowledge of the pre-Hispanic Nahuatl world, 2) it documents the process of evangelization of Mexico at the end of the 16th century and, above all, 3) it constructs a historical explanation of the role of America and its inhabitants in the history of the world, as well as the justification of the Spanish conquest.

In relation to this third point, the key ideas that Durán expounds, trying to connect the stories told to him by elderly informants in New Spain with the Bible, are the following:

  • The peoples who inhabited these lands before the arrival of the Spaniards are of Hebrew origin and descend from the 10 tribes of Israel and their diaspora throughout all regions of the Earth.
  • God sent Saint Thomas (Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl) to evangelize these peoples and to lead them back from the idolatry in which they had fallen.
  • Tetzcatlipoca rose up against Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl and his followers and in the subsequent wars the Toltec civilization (Tula) fell and Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl was defeated.
  • After his expulsion, Saint Thomas-Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl prophesied his return and the arrival of other men from the east, the defeat of the demon Tetzcatlipoca and his descendants, the subjugation of his lands and a second evangelizing work of which Durán himself was a part.

The work of fray Diego Durán has been immersed in a historiographical debate called ‘Chronicle X’ initiated in 1945 by Robert Barlow in his conference entitled The ‘Chronicle X’: Colonial Versions of the Mexica Tenochca History. Barlow laid the foundations for establishing the structural linkage of five sources:

  1. The volume corresponding to History from Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano by fray Diego Durán (1581),
  2. Historia de la venida de los indios a poblar a México de las partes remotas de Occidente los sucesos y perigrinaciones del camino a su gobierno, ídolos y templos de ellos, ritos, ceremonias y calendarios de los tiempos, also known as «Tovar Manuscript», de Juan de Tovar (1585),
  3. Relación del origen de los indios que habitan esta Nueva España según sus historias, known as «Codex Ramirez» (1588),
  4. Book VII from Historia natural y moral de las Indias by José de Acosta (1590) and
  5. Crónica mexicana by Hernando Alvarado Tezozomoc (1598).

(*) For the publication dates of the five books in parentheses, see Luis Leal, The Codex Ramirez.

According to Robert Barlow’s opinion of 1945, the works numbers 2, 3 and 4 would not be but variants of a short version of Durán’s work, with which the problem was reduced to find the unique source from which the works of Durán and Tezozomoc would have originated. Barlow called this supposedly lost work Chronicle X and considered that it must have been written in the Nahuatl language, by an indigenous writer, between 1536 and 1539, and that it was accompanied by drawings.

In fact, Durán’s work includes multiple references to a ‘history’ that served as the basis for his manuscript, for example this mention in chapter 44 of volume I: ‘Given that he who translates any history is no longer obliged to return in romance what he finds in a strange language written, as I do in this one’ and in chapter 67 of volume I: ‘The exequies began, without further ado, which exequies and ceremonies I leave already told in the chapters behind where they can be seen, although to refer to them here I consider it prolixity; and so I will go ahead, given that the history takes them to be told here at length’.

In 1953, Luis Leal established the following conclusions in his article The Codex Ramirez:

Around 1573, King Philip II sent a dispatch from New Spain to write to the Council what was found worthy of being known about the customs, rites and ceremonies of the ancient Mexicans. Upon receiving the King’s dispatch, Viceroy Martín Enríquez ordered to gather the paintings and other documents that the Indians of Mexico, Texcoco and Tula had in their possession. He sent the papers to Father Tovar, asking him to write a report to send to the King. With the help of the Indians, Tovar interpreted the paintings and wrote between 1573 and 1575 a “well-accomplished” history. Of this account, sent to the King with Dr. Portillo, no copy was left in Mexico, and to this day its whereabouts are unknown.

Using the same paintings of the Indians, Father Durán wrote an extensive history on the same subject, ending his work in 1581. He died seven years later, without seeing his work published; his papers passed into the hands of Tovar.

By 1586 Father Acosta was in Mexico, and by the following year we find him back in Spain. Before leaving, maybe he asked Father Tovar to write him something about the antiquities of the Mexicans. Tovar, using Fr. Duran’s manuscript, since he could no longer consult the paintings of the Indians, wrote around 1588 a “Historia mexicana”, sent to Spain to Fr. Acosta and included, in 1590, in book VII of his Historia natural y moral.

The manuscript sent to Acosta, or a copy taken from it, ended up in England, where the first 26 folios were published in an edition edited by Thomas Phillipps (London, 1860).

There is no doubt that a copy of this second history of Father Tovar was left in Mexico, since Torquemada mentions it in his Monarquía indiana (1615). However, this copy remained in oblivion until 1856, year in which Don José Fernando Ramírez discovered it by chance. The first complete edition appeared in 1878, together with the Mexican Chronicle of Alvarado Tezozomoc, another work that had remained unpublished, and which was also taken from the same paintings that Tovar and Durán had in their hands.

In our opinion, the Codex Ramirez does not have the importance attributed to it by Orozco y Berra and Chavero; it is less important, it seems to us, than the Historia del P. Durán and the aforementioned Crónica mexicana de Alvarado Tezozomoc, more extensive and better documented works. On the other hand, the Codex Ramirez was, of the three works, the first to make known, through the Historia natural y moral of Father Acosta, the true history of the ancient Mexicans.

The first mention we have of Duran’s work is found in Historia de la fundación y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de México, de la Orden de predicatores, por las vidas de sus varones insignes y casos notables de Nueva España, by fray Agustín Dávila Padilla, page 651, second edition published in Brussels in 1625 (first edition Madrid 1596):

F. Diego Duran, son of Mexico, wrote two books, one of history, and another of antiquities of the Mexican Indians, the most curious thing that in this matter has been seen. He lived very ill and his works did not shine, although part of them are already printed in the Natural Philosophy of Father Joseph Acosta, to whom Father Juan de Tovar, who lives in the College of the Company of Mexico, gave them. This father died in the year 1588.

The debate on the hypothesis of an initial manuscript written in Nahuatl has not yet reached a solid conclusion. This article by Clementina Battcock is very interesting: La Crónica X: sus interpretaciones y propuestas (2018).

More information:

Fray Diego Duran, Book of Gods and Rites (1579)
(since the 19th century, the editions of Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, includes this work as volume two of the History or after chapter 78, last chapter of the History)

Prologue (from Book of the gods and rites and The ancient calendar, 1971, translated by Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden)

I am moved, O Christian reader, to begin the task of [writing this work] with the realization that we who have been chosen to instruct the Indians will never reveal the True God to them until the heathen ceremonies and false cults of their counterfeit deities are extinguished, erased. Here I shall set down a written account of the ancient idolatries and false religion with which the devil was worshiped until the Holy Gospel was brought to this land. Fields of grain and fruit trees do not prosper on uncultivated rocky soil, covered with brambles and brush, unless all roots and stumps are eradicated.

This becomes clear when we study the characteristics of our Catholic Faith. Since it is one, one Church, adoring one True God, it can not coexist with any other religion or belief in other gods. Any other human belief opposed to the Faith loses the quality of the Faith itself, and though this [individual] believes in the Catholic Faith, he is deceived in as much as his belief is based not on Christian but on human faith. Perhaps he was influenced by hearsay. Thus the Moslem believes in his religion, and the Jew in his. We should take [their condition] into consideration: since idolatry has not been totally erased from their minds, they mix the Christian Faith with heathen beliefs. Thus the Faith among them is superficial; though they come to confession and believe in the One God, they would accept ten if someone came around telling them there are ten.

Among the causes [of this situation] is the lack of a firm basis in the Catholic Faith. To these people it is only a“human” faith; and though this may not be blamed on their unpreparedness and uncouthness, the latter may be partly responsible for their laxity in the Faith. Let us consider, however, that in Spain there are people as uncouth and coarse, or almost so—for example, the people of some parts of Castile, toward Sayago, Las Batuecas, and other corners of provinces where men’s minds are extraordinarily brutish and rude (especially in matters of religious instruction), much more so than these natives. At least the latter are taught catechism every Sunday and holy day, and receive the Gospel. The former, though in many villages, never hear a sermon in their lives. You may encounter one (who has spent his entire life in the country) who finds it impossible to distinguish or know anything about the size of a star. He will say, “It is like a nut,” and, “The moon is like a cheese.” Nevertheless, in spite of his coarseness, this man will allow himself to be torn to pieces defending a single article of the Faith. If you ask him, “Why is God One and also a Trinity?” he will answer, “Because that is the way it is.” And if you ask him, “Why are there Three Persons in the Trinity and not four?” he will answer, “Why not?” And these two answers, “That is the way it is,” and, “why not?” satisfy all their doubts and questions regarding the Faith, since they believe firmly what their parents taught them and what is believed and sustained by our Holy Mother the Church.

By this I argue that [the Spaniards] hold the Faith and its foundations firmly and that these [Indians] are easily swayed, prone to doubts, and will believe any doctrine. If a thousand dogmas were preached, they would believe all of them. By this I also argue that the foundations of the Faith [in Mexico] are not firm, and it behooves us to enlighten the people. Every year we hear their confessions during Lent, and again they learn through the priests; then they go away, forgetting it immediately.

What I have said about religious belief makes it clear that he who believes in a false deity does not believe in God; this can be said about men of all the nations of the world. But the case of the Indians is a special one, more so than of the other nations, since these people are poorer in spirit and the least prone to abandon their way of life and rites. Though some may feel and realize that what they believed in pagan times was false, natural fear and cowardice impede them from giving up these things. I affirm this for I see that not only in the Divine Cult but in earthly things [the Indians] are cowardly and fearful. Instead of hiring themselves out to a Spaniard, earning three reals a week, they prefer to go from market to market, trading things which are hardly worth twenty cacao beans. They will offer the Spaniard four reals to be given their liberty in order to return to their little houses or huts. Occasionally they will work four days of the week, and on Friday, or even Saturday, in order to escape from the Spaniard, they will flee, leaving their pay behind. I have observed these things for a long time and have wondered how to explain them. From long experience in observing the toil and afflictions [of the Indians], I find a common and universal cause: their spirit has been so hurt, so crippled, that they live in fear. They look upon everything unfamiliar or unknown as something harmful and fearful to them. They are like wild animals which, when hunted, are intimidated by everything and forced into flight.

This may be the result of their inborn wretchedness and the lowly condition nature gave them or of their gloomy, melancholy, and earthy constitution or the result of social conditions under which they lived. In part these people were well organized and polished, but on the other hand they were tyrannical and cruel, filled with the shadows of retributions and death. They were seldom loyal to one another for fear of punishment. And after the Faith arrived, the shadows grew beyond measure. From that time on [these people] have been afflicted with nothing but death, toil, trouble, and anguish. All these things helped to break their spirit, to intimidate them to the point that they distrust us, do not believe us. They will not tell us things they knew about the lives of their ancestors. Regarding the worship of God and the receiving of the Sacraments, they dare not listen to God himself or seek the salvation of their souls because of their fears. Thus many of them never go to confession, afraid that the confessor will scold; others fear to receive the Eucharist, afraid of the obligations which will be imposed upon them to sin no longer. This is their condition in spite of the commands [of our priests].

And these are my conclusions: [the Indians] will never find God until the roots have been torn out, together with that which smacks of the ancestral religion. Thus the practice of the Faith is corrupted where there remain survivals of the cult and faith in another god. These people are reluctant to abandon things familiar to them. While the memory [of the old religion] lasts, they will turn to it, like those who find themselves illor in need. While they call on God, they also seek out sorcerers, shamans who laugh at [Christianity], and then return to the superstitions, idolatries, and omens of their forebears. I have seen these things; I understand them. If we are trying earnestly to remove the memory of Amalech, we shall never succeed until we fully understand the ancient religion. In my humble judgment, therefore, I believe there is nothing in the world so barren as a man who lives out his entire life attempting to grasp something he does not understand, who feels no need of penetrating the roots of heathen beliefs of ancient times, who vainly strives to prevent these frail and weak people from mixing their old and superstitious rites with our Divine Law and Christian Religion. The ancient beliefs are still so numerous, so complex, so similar to our own in many cases that one overlaps the other. Occasionally we suspect that they are playing, adoring idols, casting lots regarding future events in our very presence—yet we do not fully understand these things. We believe they do [Christian] penance and practice certain absentions. But [they] always had their own sacraments and a divine cult which in many ways coincides with our own religion, as we shall see during the course of this work.

Those who with fervent zeal (though with little prudence) in the beginning burned and destroyed all the ancient Indian pictographic documents were mistaken. They left us without a light to guide us—to the point that the Indians worship idols in our presence, and we understand nothing of what goes on in their dances, in their market places, in their bathhouses, in the songs they chant (when they lament their ancient gods and lords), in their repasts and banquets; these things mean nothing to us. Heathenism and idolatry are present everywhere: in sowing, in reaping, in storing grain, even in plowing the earth and in building houses; in wakes and funerals, in weddings and births (especially if the child is the offspring of a nobleman, when complex rites are performed).

The most elaborate rites were found in the celebration of the feasts. And everything was associated with heathenism and idolatry, even bathing in the river. Elders were often offended with the community if certain acts were not accompanied by ceremonial.

All these things are concealed from us, kept as a tightly guarded secret. The task of discovering and making them known is overwhelming. He who attempts [to do so] will soon discover this, and of a thousand other customs [he will be lucky if he discovers] one half.

Let our priests who toil in missionary work take note of the grave error in ignoring these things; the Indians will make mockery of the Faith, and the minister will remain in the dark. I have experienced some of these things in recent times. I have discovered a number of sly tricks which no one had paid any attention to.

He who wishes to read this book will find an account of all the main gods worshiped in ancient times by these ignorant and blind people, with the rites and ceremonies performed in the entire land and in the Province of Mexico. He will find the count of the days, months, weeks, and years and the manner and dates on which the festivals were celebrated. All this is meant as an instruction which the curious reader will discover in this book, written with that aim. If the fruits [of my work] are meager, my intention and zeal in presenting it are not.

Fray Diego Duran, Prologue to the Book of the Gods and Rites (1579)

Fray Diego Durán, Libro de los dioses y los ritos (1579)

[English version of this post]

Junto con la obra de fray Bernardino de Sahagún, Historia de la conquista de la Nueva España (publicada en 1585), la obra de fray Diego Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano (manuscrito finalizado en 1581, publicado en 1867), causa profunda admiración a todos los que desean conocer cómo fue el encuentro entre las civilizaciones mexica y europea, cómo era la vida y los valores de los pueblos que habitaban en América Central y cómo vivieron la conquista y su lucha por defender su civilización, su posterior pérdida y la formación de una nueva cultura mestiza.

El manuscrito de fray Diego Durán está compuesto de tres partes: la historia “de la nación mexicana y de sus proezas y de la desastrada suerte que tuvo y fin” (1581), el libro de los dioses o “historia y relación de los ritos y sacrificios” (1579) y el calendario antiguo (1579). Parece ser que fray Diego Durán eligión este orden en su manuscrito, aunque el cronoloógico es el indicado entre paréntesis (ver artículo, p.233). Los entrecomillados recogen la manera en que el autor se refería a cada una de las partes del manuscrito (tomo II, p. 60 ed. 1880 de Ramírez y tomo I, p. 485 ed. 1867, respectivamente). Suele editarse en dos volúmenes, agrupando la segunda y tercera partes en el volumen dos.

La obra de fray Diego Durán forma parte de un debate historiográfico denominado ‘La Crónica X’ iniciado en 1945 por Robert Barlow en su conferencia titulada La ‘Crónica X’: versiones coloniales de la historia de los mexica tenochca. Barlow sentó las bases para establecer la vinculación estructural de cinco fuentes:

  1. El volumen correspondiente a Historia de la Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano de fray Diego Durán (1581),
  2. Historia de la venida de los indios a poblar a México de las partes remotas de Occidente los sucesos y perigrinaciones del camino a su gobierno, ídolos y templos de ellos, ritos, ceremonias y calendarios de los tiempos, conocido también como el «Manuscrito Tovar», de Juan de Tovar (1585),
  3. Relación del origen de los indios que habitan esta Nueva España según sus historias, conocido como el «Códice Ramírez» (1588),
  4. El libro VII de la Historia natural y moral de las Indias de José de Acosta (1590) y
  5. La Crónica mexicana de Hernando Alvarado Tezozomoc (1598).

(*) Sobre las fechas de publicación de los cinco libros que figuran entre paréntesis, ver Luis Leal, El códice Ramírez.

Según el dictamen de Robert Barlow de 1945, las obras números 2, 3 y 4 no serían sino variantes de una versión corta de la obra de Durán, con lo que el problema se reducía a dar con la fuente única a partir de la que se habrían originado las obras de Durán y Tezozomoc. A esta supuesta obra perdida Barlow la denominó Crónica X y consideró que debía haber sido escrita en lengua náhuatl, por un indígena, entre los años de 1536 y 1539, y que iba acompañada de dibujos.

De hecho la obra de Durán recoge múltiples referencias a una ‘historia’ que le sirvió de base para su manuscrito, por ejemplo esta mención en el cap. 44 del tomo I ‘Dado que el que traduce alguna historia no esté más obligado de volver en romance lo que halla en extraña lengua escrito, como yo en esta hago‘ y en el cap. 67 del tomo I: ‘Se empezaron las exequias, sin más detenerse, las cuales exequias y ceremonias dejo ya contadas en los capítulos de· atrás donde se podrán ver, aunque tomarlas a referir aquí téngolo por prolijidad; y así pasaré adelante, dado que la historia las toma a contar aquí por extenso‘.

En 1953, Luis Leal establece las siguientes conclusiones en su artículo El códice Ramírez:

Hacia 1573 el rey Felipe II despachó para que de la Nueva España escribieran al Consejo lo que se hallara digno de saberse sobre las costumbres, ritos y ceremonias de los antiguos mexicanos. Gobernaba entonces en México don Martín Enríquez, quien, al recibir el despacho del Rey, mandó juntar las pinturas y demás documentos que los indios de México, Texcoco y Tula tuvieran en su poder. Envió los papeles al P. Tovar, encargándole que escribiera alguna relación para enviarla al Rey. Con la ayuda de los indios, Tovar interpretó las pinturas y escribió entre 1573 y 1575 una historia “bien cumplida”. De esta relación, enviada al Rey con el doctor Portillo, no quedó copia en México, y hasta hoy no se sabe su paradero.

Usando las mismas pinturas de los indios, el P. Durán escribió una extensa historia sobre el mismo tema, dando fin a su obra en 1581. Muere siete años más tarde, sin ver publicada su obra; sus papeles pasan a manos de Tovar.

Hacia 1586 el P. Acosta se hallaba en México, y para el año siguiente ya lo encontramos de vuelta en España. Tal vez antes de partir encargó al P. Tovar que le escribiera algo sobre las antigüedades de los mexicanos. El P. Tovar, valiéndose del manuscrito del P. Duran, pues ya no podía consultar las pinturas de los indios, escribió hacia 1588 una “Historia mexicana”, enviada a España al P. Acosta e incluida, en 1590, en el libro VII de la Historia natural y moral.

El manuscrito enviado a Acosta, o una copia sacada de él, fue a parar a Inglaterra, donde se publicaron los primeros 26 folios, en edición al cuidado de Thomas Phillipps (Londres, 1860).

De esta segunda historia del P. Tovar no hay duda que quedó copia en México, pues la menciona Torquemada en su Monarquía indiana (1615). Sin embargo, esa copia permanece en el olvido hasta 1856, año en que don José Fernando Ramírez la descubre por casualidad. La primera edición completa aparece en 1878, junto con la Crónica mexicana de Alvarado Tezozomoc, otra obra que había permanecido inédita, y que también fue sacada de las mismas pinturas que tuvieron en sus manos Tovar y Durán.

En nuestro concepto, el Códice Ramírez no tiene el relieve que le atribuían Orozco y Berra y Chavero; es menos importante, nos parece, que la Historia del P. Durán y que la citada Crónica mexicana de Alvarado Tezozomoc, obras más extensas y mejor documentadas. En cambio, el Códice Ramírez fue, de las tres obras, la primera que dio a conocer, a través de la Historia natural y moral del P. Acosta, la verdadera historia de los antiguos mexicanos.

La primera mención que tenemos de la obra de Durán, la Historia de la fundación y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de México, de la Orden de predicatores, por las vidas de sus varones insignes y casos notables de Nueva España, escrita por fray Agustín Dávila Padilla, segunda edición publicada en Bruselas en 1625 (primera edición Madrid 1596), dice en su página 651:

F. Diego Durán, hijo de México, escribió dos libros, uno de historia, y otro de antiguallas de los Indios Mexicanos, la cosa más curiosa que en esta materia se ha visto. Vivió muy enfermo y no le lucieron sus trabajos, aunque parte de ellos están ya impresos en la Filosofía Natural del padre Joseph Acosta, a quien los dio el padre Juan de Tovar, que vive en el Colegio de la Compañía de México. Murió este padre año de 1588.

El debate sobre la hipótesis de un manuscrito inicial escrito en náhuatl todavía no ha llegado a una conclusión sólida. Es muy interesante este artículo de Clementina Battcock, La Crónica X: sus interpretaciones y propuestas (2018).

Más información:

Fray Diego Durán, Libro de los dioses y los ritos (1579)
(desde el siglo XIX, en las ediciones de la Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, suele incluirse esta obra como capítulo 79 y siguientes o bien como segundo volumen de la Historia)

Prólogo

Me ha movido, cristiano lector, a tomar esta ocupación de poner y contar por escrito las idolatrías antiguas y religión falsa con que el demonio era servido antes que llegase a estas partes la predicación del santo evangelio, el haber entendido que los que nos ocupamos en la doctrina de los indios nunca acabaremos de enseñarles a conocer al verdadero Dios si primero no fueren raídas y borradas totalmente de su memoria las supersticiosas ceremonias y cultos falsos de los falsos Dioses que adoraban, de la suerte que no es posible darse bien la sementera del trigo y los frutales en la tierra montuosa y llena de breñas y maleza sino estuviesen primero gastadas todas las raíces y cepas que ella de su natural producía.

Esto está claro por la naturaleza de nuestra fe católica, que como es una sola, en la cual está fundada una Iglesia, que tiene por objeto a un solo Dios verdadero, no admite consigo adoración ni fe de otro Dios, porque cualquier otra cosa que crea el hombre que contradiga a la fe pierde el hábito de la misma fe y aunque le parezca que cree los artículos de la fe católica, engáñase, que no los cree por fe cristiana sino por fe humana, o porque lo oyó decir a otro, y de la manera que el moro cree su ley y el judío la suya, cosa cierto que es mucbo de tener en muchos de estos indios que, como no están aun acabadas del todo las idolatrías, juntan con la fe cristiana algo del culto del demonio, y así tienen tan poco arrayada la fe, que con la misma facilidad que confiesan y creen en un Dios, creyeran en diez si diez les dijesen que son.

Una, entre otras causas, es la falta del cimiento firme de la fe católica, por que en los tales no es sino fe humana y esto no se puede echar totalmente a su rudeza y brutalidad, aunque no deja de ser alguna causa de esta flojedad en la fe; pero si consideramos que en España hay otra gente tan ruda y basta como ellos, o poco menos, como es la gente que en muchas partes de Castilla hay, conviene a saber, hacia Sayago, las Batuecas y en otros muchos rincones de provincias, donde son los hombres de juicios extrañamente toscos y groseros y sobre todo faltos de doctrina, mucho más que estos naturales; pues a estos cada domingo y fiesta se les enseña la doctrina y se les predica la ley evangélica y a aquellos acontece no oir un solo sermón en la vida, en muchas partes, y con todo eso vereis un hombre de aquellos, harto de andar en el campo, que no tiene más juicio para distinguir ni entender qué tamaño tenga una estrella, sino que dice que es como una nuez y que la luna es como un queso, y con toda su rudeza se dejará hacer pedazos primero que dudar en un artículo de la fe: si les preguntais porqué Dios es uno y trino responden que por que sí, y si les preguntais porqué no son cuatro personas sino tres, responden que porque no, y con estas dos razones, porque sí y porque no, respouden a todas las dudas y preguntas, de la fe, creyendo firmemente aquello que les enseñaron sus padres y lo que tiene y cree la Santa Madre Iglesia.

Esto es argumento que en aquellos esta la fe firme y su fundamento y en estos que tan fácilmente se mudan y dudan y creen en uno y en otro, y si cíen doctrinas les predicasen todas las creerían, es argumento que no esta el cimiento de la fe firme, y así es necessario perpetuamente enseñársela; y con todo eso, al cabo del año, para oonfesarlos la cuaresma, la han de aprender de nuevo por medio del sacerdote y luego apartados de allí la olvidan instantáneamente.

Y aunque esta causa que he dicho de parte de la fe, que es la fundamental y total de no creer su Dios quien adora a otro Dios, es general en todos los hombres y naciones del mundo. Hay otra particular de parte de la condición de los indios, más que en otras naciones, por ser la gente más mísera y menos osada a dejar su modo y costumbres y ceremonias que el mundo tiene, que aunque crean y claramente vean que es engaño y falsedad lo que creían en tiempo de la gentilidad, con todo eso el temor y cobardía natural les hace no arrojarse, a dejarlo, y me hace creer esto el ver que no solamente en lo que toca al culto de Dios, pero aún también en las cosas necesarias a la vida humana tienen esta misma cobardía y miedo, pues a trueque de no entrar a ganar tres reales que le da un español de jornal cada semana, por andarse de tianguez en tianguez [de mercado en mercado] rescatando cosas que apenas valen veinte cacaos, da él cuatro reales al español por que le deje ya libre a su jacalejo o choca y acontece trabajar los cuatro dias de la semana y el viernes, o el mismo sábado, a trueque de verse fuera del español, huirse y deiar perdido su jornal; lo cual yo he mirado en largo tiempo a qué lo pueda atribuir; y de la larga experiencia que tengo de su trabajo y aflicción hallo, que común y universalmente es la causa tener la imaginatiba tan lastimada y enflaquecida, con tanto miedo, que todas las cosas que no tienen muy tratadas y conocidas las aprenden como dañosas y temerosas, así como las fieras cuando son acosadas, que todo les amedrenta y hace huir.

Bien nazca esto de su miseria natural, bien de su complexion triste y melancólica y terrestre, bien nazca de que el gobierno que tenían, aunque en parte era muy político y bien concertado, pero en parte era tiránico y temeroso y lleno de sombra de castigos y muerte y unos a otros se tenían poca lealtad, sino era por miedo de castigo, y después que llego la fe creció esta sombra sobre manera, que jamas han esperimentado sino muertes, trabajos, molestias y todo género de aflicción; todas las cuales cosas juntas ayudan a acobardarles y a atemorizarles para que no osen arrojarse a fiarse de nosotros, ni a creernos ni a dejar lo que ya se tienen conocido y sabido y en que vivieron sus antepasados y en lo del culto de Dios y en el recibir de los sacramentos, no osan fiarse de Dios, ni arrojarse a buscar el bien de su alma, por un levísimo miedo; y así dejan de confesarse muchos, por miedo de que los ha de reñir el confesor; otros no osan comulgar por miedo de la obligación que toman de vivir un poco más con cuidado de no pecar; y esto aunque sean mandados.

Y así destas y de otras cosas colijo (lo que arriba dije), que jamás podremos hacerles conocer de veras a Dios, mientras de raíz no les hubiéremos tirado todo lo que huele a la vieja religión de sus antepasados; así por que se corrompe el hábito de la fe, habiendo alguna cosa de culto o fe de otro dios, como estar estos tan temerosos de dejar lo que conocen, que todo el tiempo que les dure en la memoria han de acudir a ello, como lo hacen cuando algunos se ven enfermos o en alguna necesidad; que juntamente con llamar a Dios acuden a los hechiceros y médicos burladores y a las supesticiones e idolatrias y agüeros de sus autepasados; pues visto esto he entendido, que aunque queramos qaitarles de todo punto esta memoria de Amalech, no podremos, por mucho trabajo que en ello se ponga, sino tenemos noticia de todos los modos de religión en que vivían, porque a mi pobre juicio no creo que hay hoy cosa en el mundo de trabajo mas baldío, que ocuparse toda la vida el hombre trayendo siempre entre las manos lo que no entiende, teniendo tan estrecha necesidad de saber de raíz los antiguos engaños y supesticiones, para evitar que esta misserable y flaca gente no mezcle sus ritos antiguos y supesticiones con nuestra divina ley y religión cristiana; porque son tantos y tan enmarañados y muchos de ellos frisan tanto con los nuestros, que están encubiertos con ellos, y acaece muchas veces pensar que están habiendo placer y están idolatrando y pensar que están jugando y están echando suertes de los sucesos delante de nuestros ojos, y no los entendemos, y pensamos que se disciplinan y están sacrificándose, porque también ellos tenían sacramentos, en cierta forma, y culto de Dios que en muchas cosas se encuentra con la ley nuestra, como en el proceso de la obra se verá.

Y así erraron mucho los que con buen celo (pero no con mucha prudencia) quemaron y destruyeron al principio todas las pinturas de antiguallas que tenían; pues nos dejaron tan sin luz, que delante de nuestros ojos idolatran y no los entendemos en los mitotes, en los mercados, en los baños y en los cantares que cantan, lamentando sus Dioses y sus señores antiguos, en las comidas y banquetes y en el diferenciar de ellas, en todo se halla supestición e idolatria; en el sembrar, en el coger, en el encerrar en las trojes, hasta en el labrar la tierra y edificar las casas; y pues en los mortorios y entierros y en los casamientos y en los nacimientos de los niños, especialmete si era hijo de algún Señor, eran extrañas las ceremonias que se le hacían, y donde sobre todo se perfeccionaba era en la celebración de las fiestas: finalmente, en todo mezclaron superstición e idolatria, hasta en irse a bañar al río tenían los viejos puesto escrúpulo a la república, si no fuese habiendo precedido tales y tales ceremonias, todo lo cual nos es encubierto por el gran secreto que se tienen y para averiguar y sacar a luz algo de esto, es tanto el trabajo que se pasa con ellos, cuanto experimentará el quo tomare la misma empresa que yo y al oabo descubrirá de mil partes la media.

Adviertan pues los ministros que trabajan en su doctrina cuán gran yerro es no tener cuenta con saber esto, porque delante de sus ojos harán mil escarnios a la fe, sin que lo entienda: esto se ha experimentado bien estos días, descubriendo muchas solapas de que no había recelo ninguno; pues el que quisiere leer este libro hallará en él la relación do todos los principales Dioses que esta ignorante y ciega gente antiguamente adoraban, los cultos y ceremonias que se les hacían en toda esta tierra y provincia mexicana: hallarán también la cuenta de los días, meses y semanas y de los años y el modo de celebrar las fiestas, y tiempos en que las celebraban con otras cosas de avisos que el curioso lector hallará en esta obra, que para este fin tengo escrita; y si el provecho fuere poco, al menos no lo fue mi celo y deseo con que lo ofrezco.

Fray Diego Durán, Prólogo al Libro de los dioses y los ritos (1581)

Pio Baroja’s 150th anniversary

This year 2022 is marked by the celebration of the 500 years of Nebrija and the 150th anniversary of the birth of Pio Baroja (San Sebastian 1872 – Madrid 1956).

Baroja is a Spanish novelist, considered by critics to be Spain’s most important 20th century novelist. He was born in San Sebastián (Basque Country) and studied medicine in Madrid, the city he lived in for most of his life. His first novel was Vidas sombrías (1900), followed in the same year by La Casa de Aizgorri. This novel forms part of the first of Baroja’s trilogies, Tierra vasca, which also includes El Mayorazgo de Labraz (1903), one his most admired novels, and Zalacaín el Aventurero (1909).

With Silvestre Paradox (1901), he began the trilogy La Vida fantástica, an expression of his anarchistic individualism and pessimistic philosophy, of which the works Camino de Perfección (1902) and Paradox Rey (1906) also form part. But the work for which he became best known outside of Spain was the trilogy La Lucha por la Vida, a moving description of Madrid’s lowest classes, and made up of La Busca (1904), Mala Hierba (1904) and Aurora roja (1905).

He travelled around Spain, Italy, France, England, Holland and Switzerland, and in 1911 published Las Inquietudes de Shanti Andía and El Árbol de la Ciencia, possibly his most perfect novel. Between 1913 and 1935 there appeared 23 volumes of a historical novel, Memorias de un hombre de acción, based on the conspirator Eugenio de Avinareta, one of the author’s ancestors who lived in the Basque Country at the time of the Carlist Wars.

He was appointed member of the Real Academia Española in 1935 and spent the Spanish Civil War in France, returning in 1940. Upon his return he set up home in Madrid, where he lived a life removed from any public activity until his death in 1956. Betweeen 1944 and 1948 his Memorias was published in seven volumes, a work of the utmost interest for studying his life and oeuvre. In all, Baroja published over one hundred books.

Using elements from the picaresque novel tradition, Baroja chose as his main characters people marginalised from society. His novels are replete with incidents and clearly depicted characters and are outstanding for their natural dialogue and impressionistic descriptions. A master of realistic portrayal, particularly when the setting was the Basque Country of his birth, he has an incisive, vivid and yet impersonal style; some have attributed this apparent limitation of registers to a desire for precision and sobriety. He had considerable influence on the Spanish writers who came after him, such as Camilo José Cela and Juan Benet, as well as on many foreign writers, most notable among whom was Ernest Hemingway.

In English, archive.org has some interesting books by Pio Baroja:






The Royal Inland Road: The Spanish Epic Legacy in America

The Royal Inland Road or Camino Real de Tierra Adentro is one of the many roads built in America by Spain between the 16th and 19th centuries.

At the moment of maximum expansion, the Spanish territories included almost three quarters of the current United States, all of current Mexico and the west coast of Canada.

The US states of California, Nevada, Colorado, Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Kansas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Alaska were part of the Spanish Empire.

The same happened with the southwestern part of British Columbia of present-day Canada were in the hands of Spain within the Viceroyalty of New Spain. In Alaska, the occupation was limited to a few trading posts that would later be abandoned.

Historical-geographical map that shows in great detail the history, protagonists and limits of what became the Spanish possessions in the territories of present-day Canada, USA, Mexico and Central America -the American part of the Viceroyalty of New Spain Wikimedia Commons.

For decades, the Spanish legacy penetrated the territories that are now part of the United States through what were called Caminos Reales (Royal Roads). Originally these roads linked two capitals, but over time most of the routes that linked towns of certain importance came to use this meaning. Recently these trails have been recognized as heritage of American history and are now part of the US National Park Service. In fact, five of them are among its 19 National Historic Trails.

The Camino Real de Tierra Adentro was the most important of the Caminos Reales and linked Mexico City and Santa Fe in New Mexico. In fact it ended northern Santa Fe at nowadays Ohkay Owingeh (known by its Spanish name as San Juan de los Caballeros from 1589 to 2005, is a pueblo and census-designated place (CDP) in Rio Arriba County, New Mexico).

In its 2560 kilometers (1600 miles) of route it crossed the cities of Ciudad Juárez, El Paso and Albuquerque. It was popularly known as “Camino de Santa Fe” and also as “Camino de la Plata” since the entire route gave access to multiple mining areas and cities in New Spain producing silver and other minerals, such as Zacatecas, San Luis Potosi, Fresnillo or Chihuahua.

The Camino Real de Tierra Adentro was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2010.

Luis Laorden Jiménez, in his article Los caminos españoles en el oeste americano que son «National Historic Trails» de Estados Unidos says: “the road was long and dangerous. In 1638 it took six months to make the entire trip between Mexico City and Santa Fe without special incidents. By the beginning of the 19th century this time had been reduced somewhat, three months to go from Mexico City to Chihuahua and a month and a half from Chihuahua to Santa Fe”.

After Tenochtitlan was conquered by Hernán Cortés and his allies in 1521, Spanish conquistadors began a series of expeditions with the purpose of expanding their domains.

In April 1598, a group of military scouts led by Juan de Oñate, the newly appointed governor of the province of Santa Fe de Nuevo México,  arrived at El Paso del Norte just south of present-day El Paso and Ciudad Juárez, where they celebrated the catholic feast of the Ascension on April 30, before crossing the river with the help of local Indians.

They then mapped and extended the route to what is now Española, where Oñate would establish the capital of the new province. This trail became the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro or Royal Inland Road (RIR), the northernmost of the four main “royal roads” – the Caminos Reales – that linked Mexico City to its major tributaries in Acapulco, Veracruz, Audiencia (Guatemala) and Santa Fe.

map Royal Inland Road by Alexander Humboldt
Map of Camino Real, by Alexander Humboldt, from La Herencia Española en los Estados Unidos de América.

The RIR started at Ciudad de Mexico, capital of New Spain, and went through important cities like Querétaro, Guanajuato, Aguascalientes, San Luis Potosí, Zacatecas, Durango and Chihuahua. And from here through Ciudad Juárez and El Paso in Texas, and Las Cruces and Albuquerque in New Mexico, before reaching Santa Fe.

Therefore, the RIR can be divide in two parts: from Mexico City to Chihuahua, and from Chihuahua to Santa Fe-Ohkay Owingeh. Part one of the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro is identified as beginning at the Plaza Santo Domingo, very close to the present Zócalo and Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral, and goes north to Valle de Allende, Chihuahua.

The second part of the RIR began at the Plaza de Armas of the town of San Felipe el Real de Chihuahua, today’s city in the Mexican state of Chihuahua, in front of the great baroque cathedral of San Francisco and the palace of the Spanish governor.

Leaving the city of Chihuahua behind, the road to the north crosses the Chihuahua desert, interrupted by the small but historic Sacramento river, and other streams that go to the lagoons of Encinillas, Patos, Santa Maria and Guzman. The inclement dune field of Samalayuca is there. Through Chihuahua passes the continental watershed and there are rivers that go to the Gulf of Mexico in the Atlantic and others to the Pacific, and there is also the peculiarity of the interior slopes made up of closed basins that end in closed lagoons in the desert.

After passing the Chihuahua desert, the Rio Grande river is reached and the famous crossing point where Juan de Oñate celebrated the first Thanksgiving Mass with the settlers who accompanied him in present-day U.S. territory on April 30, 1598, where Ciudad Juárez is now located, which was formerly called El Paso del Norte, in the State of Mexico, and on the other side of the river is the new city of El Paso at the end of the 19th century in the United States, which historically should have belonged to the State of New Mexico, but because of the railroad and for reasons of greater power, it belongs to the State of Texas. In El Paso del Norte was the Guadalupe Mission where the troubled Spanish survivors fled when they had to abandon Santa Fe and the towns of New Mexico because of the Pueblo Indian rebellion in 1680.

After the Pueblo Revolt, the Spanish Crown decided not to abandon the province altogether but instead maintained a channel to the province so as not to completely abandon their subjects remaining there. The Viceroyalty organized a system, the so-called conducta, to supply the missions, presidios, and northern ranchos. The conducta consisted of wagon caravans that in the beginning departed only every three or four years from Mexico City to Santa Fe. Later the expeditions were annual. Normally there were 32 wagons organized in 4 groups of 8, which when they could go in parallel rows, and in the first one the Spanish flag always flew. Everything was carried in the wagons and it was important that there were operators with spare parts to repair the frequent breakages of the axles and wheels. In each day it was usual to travel three to five leagues. The trip required a long and difficult journey of six months, including 2–3 weeks of rest along the way.

Many were the uncertainties that the conducta and other travelers faced. River floods could force weeks of waiting on the banks until the caravan could wade across. At other times, prolonged droughts in the area could make water scarce and difficult to find.

Beyond the sustenance needs, the greatest danger to the caravan was that of local assaults. Groups of bandits roamed throughout the territory and threatened the caravan from the current state of Mexico to the state of Querétaro, seeking articles of value. And from the southern part of Zacatecas onward to the north, the greatest threat was the native Chichimecas, who became more likely to attack as the caravan progressed further north. The main objective of the Chichimecas was horses, but they would also often take women and children. A series of presidios along the way allowed for relays of troops to provide additional protection to the caravans. At night in the most dangerous areas, the caravans would form a circle with their wagons with the people and animals inside.

The northern part of the Royal Inland Road (RIR) goes from the crossing of the Rio Grande, current border between Mexico and the United States (actual cities of El Paso on the U.S. side and Ciudad Juarez, former Paso del Norte on the Mexican side) to Santa Fe, capital of the State of New Mexico.

The engineering works for the irrigation ditch and to be able to cross the river were important. El Paso del Norte was an important city in Spanish times. At the end of the XVII century it had a population of about 1,000 people, in 1760 it was about 4,000 and in 1800 it reached almost 7,000. The distinguished scientific traveler Alexander Von Humboldt in his 1808 work Ensayo político sobre el Reino de la Nueva España (Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain) makes reference to the good aspect of El Paso del Norte:

“At El Paso del Norte the travelers stop to provide themselves with the necessary provisions before continuing their journey to Santa Fe. The surroundings of El Paso constitute a delightful country, resembling the most beautiful sites of Andalusia. The fields are sown with corn and wheat; the vineyards produce excellent generous wines, which are preferred even to those of Parral in Nueva Vizcaya; the orchards abound with all the fruit trees of Europe, such as fig, peach, apple, and pear trees: as the country is very dry, an acequia conducts to the Paso the waters of the river of the North. The inhabitants of the presidio have a lot of work to do to maintain the dam that leads to the irrigation ditch the waters of the rivers, when they are very low. During the great floods of the Rio del Norte, in the months of May and June, the force of the current destroys this dam almost every year, and the way of restoring and reinforcing it is very ingenious: the inhabitants form baskets with stakes woven with tree branches, fill them with earth and stones and lower them in the middle of the current, which in its eddy leaves them in the place where the ditch separates from the river…”

After fording the Rio Grande the RIR followed its eastern bank for about six leagues and then parted from the river, forming a short cut like the rope that tightens the arc of the riverbed until it met the river again about sixty miles to the north after crossing the desert which was called the Jornada del Muerto (The Working Day of the Dead), because of the terrible lack of water. It goes from Las Cruces to Socorro, New Mexico. This particularly dry 100-mile (160 km) stretch was the most famous and also the most dangerous in New Mexico, where many hikers perished from thirst or heat.

The RIR continues for fifty leagues along the eastern bank of the Rio Grande passing through the Indian villages that were visited by Francisco Vázquez de Coronado in 1540-42. The first town after the “Jornada del muerto” is today called Socorro, which was the name Juan de Oñate gave to the village where he found friendly Indians who gave him water and food and thanks to whom the expeditionaries survived. Before reaching Socorro is the headquarters of the El camino Real International Heritage center installed in an excellent museum dedicated to the RIR inaugurated on November 19, 2005.

Past Socorro all the names are Spanish: Escondida, Magdalena, San Acacia, Alamillo, Contreras, las Nutrias, Veguita, Adelino, Valencia, Isleta, Sandía Albuquerque…

In Albuquerque the road leaves the proximity of the Rio Grande and begins the ascent to Santa Fe at the foot of the southern foothills of the Rocky Mountains, which have the special name of the “Sangre de Cristo”. The names continue to be Spanish: Alameda, Corrales, Placitas, Algodones, Cerrillos, Peña Blanca, Agua Fria and finally Santa Fe. Before arriving to Santa Fe is the “Rancho de las Golondrinas” which is an old Spanish hacienda converted into a living museum where several days a year the life of the Spanish era is recreated under the auspices of the Historical Foundation of Colonial New Mexico.

In addition to geographical hazards, the greatest danger came from the hostile Indians, especially the Apaches. In 1705, the newly appointed governor of New Mexico, Francisco de Cuervo y Valdés, on his journey from Mexico City to Santa Fe to take office, had to stop at El Paso del Norte despite having a military escort because he found the road overrun by Apaches. To protect the road between Chihuahua and El Paso del Norte, three presidios were founded, the first at Nuestra Señora del Pilar and San José del Paso del Norte at the ford of Rio Grande in 1682, the second at El Carrizal in 1758 and the third at San Elizario in 1774. The Indian threat was to continue during the time when this territory passed to the United States.

The RIR was actively used as a commercial route for more than 300 years, from the middle of the 16th century to the 19th century. During this time, the road was continuously improved, and over time the risks became smaller as haciendas and population centers emerged.

It is interesting to note that progress on these roads did not come from the improvement of infrastructure, which was impossible to meet due to the remoteness and isolation of the distances, but from the use of the most appropriate means of transportation in each case. On the route between Mexico City and Chihuahua, where the most important merchandise to be transported was silver and mercury for working the ore, and heavy metallic elements, wagons pulled by oxen or mules were preferred. Between Chihuahua and Santa Fe, for lighter goods, mule carts were preferred, as they were better adapted to the shortcuts in the road and were faster because they passed where the wagons could not. All this hustle and bustle on the RIR was left for history when the U.S. Santa Fe Railroad reached El Paso in 1881 and continued with another railroad on the Mexican side.

In South America, the main routes also communicated both the two oceanic slopes with each other, as well as the Caribbean Sea with the territories of the South:

  • The Royal Road from Lima to Caracas, passing through Quito and Santa Fe de Bogotá, crossing the Ecuadorian Andes (3,000 km)
  • The Royal Road Santa Fe de Bogota to Honda, a town in the Tolima department of Colombia, through the Cordillera Central to the Magdalena River (Honda) to connect by river to Cartagena de Indias
  • The Royal Road of Muleteers between Caracas and the port of La Guaira, Venezuela
  • The Royal Road to Upper Peru
  • The Royal Road from Lima to Buenos Aires or Upper Peru via Cordoba (3,000 km)
  • The Royal Road to the West, between Buenos Aires and Santiago de Chile, passing through San Luis and Mendoza
  • The Royal Road to Asuncion, between Buenos Aires and Asuncion, passing through Corrientes
  • The Royal Road to Chile between Valdivia, Osorno and Chiloé

Credits: Parts of this article are based on a translation from Los caminos españoles en el oeste americano que son «National Historic Trails» de Estados Unidos, by Luis Laorden Jiménez, Mar Océana 31 p.127-166, Los caminos reales: las huellas de España en Norteamérica by Fran Hurtado and from Caminos españoles en Estados Unidos by Borja Cardelús.


Bibliography related to the Spanish legacy in America:

  1. El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro https://archive.org/details/elcaminorealdeti2937palm/page/n11/mode/2up
  2. The journey of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca https://archive.org/details/journeyofalvarnu00nune/page/n25/mode/2up
  3. Writings of Fray Junipero Serrahttps://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.b3929749&view=1up&seq=427&skin=2021
  4. Loomis, Noel M. and Nasatir, Abraham P., Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe, 1967
  5. Goodwin, Robert, América: The Epic Story of Spanish North America, 1493–1898, 2019
  6. Gibson, Carrie, El Norte: The Epic and Forgotten Story of Hispanic North America, 2022

 

Lady Cornelia, by Miguel de Cervantes (1613)

The portrait of the Spanish national character, in the context of the interrelations between Spaniards and foreigners in Europe, is presented by Cervantes in an exemplary novel set in Italy at some undetermined date in the last quarter of the 16th century:  Lady Cornelia. In this short novel, there are most abundant considerations about their way of being, approached from a moral perspective as a catalog of virtues and vices.

In this magnificent novel the way of being attributed to the Spaniards plays a key role in the development of the plot. The true protagonist of the story we are told is Cornelia, a young Bolognese girl, beautiful, of noble lineage and orphan of father and mother; but two Spanish gentlemen, of Biscayan origin and friends, Don Juan de Gamboa and Don Antonio de Isunza, who abandon their studies in Salamanca to go to Flanders, also play a very important role, but, things being peaceful here, they decide to undertake a journey through Italy, after which they settle in Bologna to continue their studies in the famous College of the Spaniards of the University of Bologna. Shortly after the novel begins, the narrator portrays the two young Spanish noblemen as well-bred, gentle, discreet, courageous, restrained and liberal men. They are the prototype of the Spanish gentleman. Well, the Italians with whom they interact do not limit themselves to agreeing with the narrator in this portrait of them, but go a step further and elevate it to the category of a portrait of the Spaniards in general or of the common Spaniards.

As if this were not enough, the two young Spanish gentlemen are free of a vice commonly attributed in Italy to Spaniards: that of arrogance or haughtiness. The author tells us that the two gentlemen friends led an intense social life in the university environment of Bologna, for they made many friends, not only among the Spanish students, but also among the Bolognese and foreigners.

Arrogance, however, plays no role in La señora Cornelia, precisely because the two Biscayan gentlemen, aware of the reputation that Spaniards have in Italy as arrogant, make every effort not to do anything that could be interpreted by their friends, acquaintances and other Italians with whom they have dealings as a sign of arrogance. Therefore, apart from this mention of this vice as typical of the Spaniards, there is no place in this novel for their defects, but only for their virtues, which play a key role in the development and happy outcome of Cornelia’s story. For it is the virtues of both gentlemen that lead them to become fully engaged in Cornelia’s story, which involves, apart from her and her newborn son, her beloved the Duke of Ferrara, Alfonso d’Este, and his brother Lorenzo, who mistakenly believes that his sister has been deceived and dishonored by the Duke and for which he hopes that the latter will give him satisfaction, either by marrying his sister or by fighting a duel with him.

It is Don Juan’s good qualities, especially his courage and generosity, that lead him to become involved in the story when, at the beginning of the narrative, he comes to the defense of the Duke, without knowing who he is, after seeing him attacked in an unequal manner by a group of six swordsmen, among whom is Don Lorenzo. Risking his life, he bravely enters the fight and saves the Duke’s life. This fact will contribute to make Don Juan an advocate and mediator between the Duke and Don Lorenzo. But it is not the nobleman of Ferrara who, although he is aware of Don Juan’s virtues, who interprets them as the virtues of this gentleman as a Spaniard. This role corresponds to Cornelia and her brother Lorenzo.

Unlike Don Juan, who enters the story of sickle and sickle on his own initiative, Don Antonio is drawn into it at the request of Cornelia, who, distressed and unhappy at having failed in her encounter with the Duke and fearing that her brother will commit some folly, thinking that the Duke has dishonored her and even that he will attempt against herself, she comes across Don Antonio, whom, after learning that he is a Spaniard, she appeals to his condition as such and to a virtue that she considers a national characteristic of Spaniards, courtesy, to obtain his protection.

Well, it is to this generous courtesy that Cornelia appeals to Don Antonio to help her remedy her ills. And Don Antonio, honoring his Spanish courtesy, one of whose main requirements is precisely to protect the ladies, immediately puts himself at the disposal of the Bolognese lady and takes her to the inn where the two Spanish gentlemen are staying during their stay in Bologna. There Cornelia will also meet Don Juan, from whom she will learn, thanks to the Duke’s hat that he is wearing after having given it to her as a trophy after the fight, that he knows the Duke, which causes the lady’s uneasiness, fearful that something bad might have happened to her beloved. However, she is somewhat reassured to know that he is in good hands, in the power of “gentle Spanish men”, otherwise the fear of losing his honesty would take his life. Again it is Spanish courtesy, for nothing else is gentleness, that offers security to the Italian lady.

Noting Cornelia’s signs of despondency and anxiety, notwithstanding her confession of trusting in Spanish gentleness, Don Juan, who speaks also for his friend, is obliged to reassure her with a few words in which he, after offering to serve her without hesitating to risk his life to defend and protect her, we are given a few hints about the moral character of the Spaniards, now seen from the perspective of a Spanish gentleman, who echoes, however, what Cornelia thinks of the goodness of the Spaniards

Cornelia supposes that the Spaniards are usually kind, which here is equivalent to generous. Don Juan, on behalf of himself and his friend, put themselves at the service of the lady to defend and protect her, but in saying of themselves that they, as Spaniards, are supposed to be good, he considers that this could be misinterpreted and understood to have crossed the limits of what a discreet and restrained gentleman should say and thus to have incurred in that arrogance attributed to the Spaniards in Italy from which they have so far tried to dissociate themselves. A gentleman must be humble and not speak of his virtues, for, as Don Quixote says, the praise of himself debases, although he himself does not apply this rule; it must be others who speak of them. For this reason, after presenting themselves as good before Cornelia, Don Juan hastens to clarify the matter by declaring that, although what he has said could be understood as arrogant on his part, in this case it is justified because the recognition of being good and principal is simply with the intention of reassuring a lady in distress and despondent, assuring her that she is in the hands of those who can be trusted to offer her shelter and protection.

Don Juan’s words have their effect and Cornelia reaffirms her decision to trust in the goodness or liberality of both Spanish gentlemen and tells them her story, in which the essential is that, in love with the Duke of Ferrara, after promising to be his wife, she gives herself to him and the fruit of this is a son, She meets him at the inn, where she was brought by Don Juan, who, on his first night outing through the streets of Bologna, before taking part in the quarrel between the Duke and his attackers, receives a newborn child as he passes through a door, which was not intended for him but for a servant of the Duke. Cornelia and her beloved had agreed that he would pick her up and take her to Ferrara to be publicly married, but she left her house before her suitor arrived and, frightened when she saw her brother’s armed gang, who would be the one to have the quarrel with the duke, and believing that her brother would use his sword against her, she left in panic until she ran into Don Antonio, thus frustrating the encounter with her beloved. But the most interesting thing, for our analysis, is that Cornelia, after having told what we have just summarized, finishes her touching relationship appealing again to the courtesy of the Spaniards, represented by the two Biscayan gentlemen, and in it she is confident to resolve her misfortunes favorably.

We have seen how the Basque gentlemen become fully immersed in the story through their main characters, Cornelia and the Duke of Ferrara. Well, also through a third important character, Don Lorenzo, Cornelia’s brother, they are even more immersed in the story, especially Don Juan. And the involvement of the latter through Don Lorenzo will allow the introduction of one more feature of the Spanish national character. If Cornelia’s lifeline is Spanish courtesy, her brother’s is Spanish courage. Indeed, Lorenzo, feeling aggrieved because he wrongly believes that the Duke has deceived and dishonored his sister, appears at the inn looking for Don Juan, whose help he requests to obtain from the Duke a satisfaction for his offense (that is, to accept to marry his sister) or, if he refuses, to arrange a duel, through which he has the opportunity to avenge the offense and defend his honor. And for this she needs the support of Don Juan, that he be her defender and mediator before the Duke, and she finds no better way to get it than asking him in the name of the proven courage of the Spaniards.

Perhaps the exaltation of the courage of the Spaniards with the example of Xerxes’ army is not very fortunate, considering that the Persian king was a loser and was defeated by the Greeks, but the intention is good, since Lorenzo only intends to enhance the courage and strength of the Spaniards. It is also interesting to note that Lorenzo’s request to Don Juan not only extols courage as a Spanish national trait, but also generosity. For in order to do what Lorenzo requests, although he requests it because of the confidence he has in the bravery of the Spaniards, it is not enough that the person requested be brave; it is also necessary that he be generously willing to help him by putting his courage at his service. Therefore, aware of this, and after accepting Don Juan’s request for Lorenzo’s help “because he is a Spaniard and a gentleman”, the Italian nobleman gratefully gives the Spaniard a hug and expressly acknowledges the latter’s generosity.

Don Juan will keep his word. He will meet with the Duke, who will confess that he has not deceived Cornelia, that he accepts her as his legitimate wife and also the child as his son, and that if so far he has not publicly married her it is because his mother wants to marry him to the daughter of the Duke of Mantua, but that, as soon as his mother dies, whose end seems imminent, he will marry her, which indeed will happen. So a story that seemed to dramatize a conflict of dishonor, of unfulfilled word, and of the consequent grievance, in the end harbors no more conflict than the postponement of the marriage until the opposition of the Duke’s mother ceases with her death. But the channelling of the story and its happy outcome has only been possible thanks to the intervention of two Spanish gentlemen who have acted as representatives of the best virtues attributed to the Spanish national character; two Biscayan gentlemen have been the best ambassadors or exponents of the Spanish genius in Italy.

Read it online in English below. In Spanish at this link.

Lady Cornelia

From The Exemplary Novels of Cervantes. Translated from the Spanish by Walter K. Kelly in 1881.

Don Antonio de Isunza and Don Juan de Gamboa, gentlemen of high birth and excellent sense, both of the same age, and very intimate friends, being students together at Salamanca, determined to abandon their studies and proceed to Flanders. To this resolution they were incited by the fervour of youth, their desire to see the world, and their conviction that the profession of arms, so becoming to all, is more particularly suitable to men of illustrious race.

But they did not reach Flanders until peace was restored, or at least on the point of being concluded; and at Antwerp they received letters from their parents, wherein the latter expressed the great displeasure caused them by their sons having left their studies without informing them of their intention, which if they had done, the proper measures might have been taken for their making the journey in a manner befitting their birth and station.

Unwilling to give further dissatisfaction to their parents, the young men resolved to return to Spain, the rather as there was now nothing to be done in Flanders. But before doing so they determined to visit all the most renowned cities of Italy; and having seen the greater part of them, they were so much attracted by the noble university of Bologna, that they resolved to remain there and complete the studies abandoned at Salamanca.

They imparted their intentions to their parents, who testified their entire approbation by the magnificence with which they provided their sons with every thing proper to their rank, to the end that, in their manner of living, they might show who they were, and of what house they were born. From the first day, therefore, that the young men visited the schools, all perceived them to be gallant, sensible, and well-bred gentlemen.

Don Antonio was at this time in his twenty-fourth year, and Don Juan had not passed his twenty-sixth. This fair period of life they adorned by various good qualities; they were handsome, brave, of good address, and well versed in music and poetry; in a word, they were endowed with such advantages as caused them to be much sought and greatly beloved by all who knew them. They soon had numerous friends, not only among the many Spaniards belonging to the university,[1]Cardinal Albornoz founded a college in the University of Bologna, expressly for the Spaniards, his countrymen.  but also among people of the city, and of other nations, to all of whom they proved themselves courteous, liberal, and wholly free from that arrogance which is said to be too often exhibited by Spaniards.

Being young, and of joyous temperament, Don Juan and Don Antonio did not fail to give their attention to the beauties of the city. Many there were indeed in Bologna, both married and unmarried, remarkable as well for their virtues as their charms; but among them all there was none who surpassed the Signora Cornelia Bentivoglia, of that old and illustrious family of the Bentivogli, who were at one time lords of Bologna.

Cornelia was beautiful to a marvel; she had been left under the guardianship of her brother Lorenzo Bentivoglio, a brave and honourable gentleman. They were orphans, but inheritors of considerable wealth–and wealth is a great alleviation of the evils of the orphan state. Cornelia lived in complete seclusion, and her brother guarded her with unwearied solicitude. The lady neither showed herself on any occasion, nor would her brother consent that any one should see her; but this very fact inspired Don Juan and Don Antonio with the most lively desire to behold her face, were it only at church. Yet all the pains they took for that purpose proved vain, and the wishes they had felt on the subject gradually diminished, as the attempt appeared more and more hopeless. Thus, devoted to their studies, and varying these with such amusements as are permitted to their age, the young men passed a life as cheerful as it was honourable, rarely going out at night, but when they did so, it was always together and well armed.

One evening, however, when Don Juan was preparing to go out, Don Antonio expressed his desire to remain at home for a short time, to repeat certain orisons: but he requested Don Juan to go without him, and promised to follow him.

“Why should I go out to wait for you?” said Don Juan. “I will stay; if you do not go out at all to-night, it will be of very little consequence.” “By no means shall you stay,” returned Don Antonio: “go and take the air; I will be with you almost immediately, if you take the usual way.”

“Well, do as you please,” said Don Juan: “if you come you will find me on our usual beat.” With these words Don Juan left the house.

The night was dark, and the hour about eleven. Don Juan passed through two or three streets, but finding himself alone, and with no one to speak to, he determined to return home. He began to retrace his steps accordingly; and was passing through a street, the houses of which had marble porticoes, when he heard some one call out, “Hist! hist!” from one of the doors. The darkness of the night, and the shadow cast by the colonnade, did not permit him to see the whisperer; but he stopped at once, and listened attentively. He saw a door partially opened, approached it, and heard these words uttered in a low voice, “Is it you, Fabio?” Don Juan, on the spur of the moment, replied, “Yes!” “Take it, then,” returned the voice, “take it, and place it in security; but return instantly, for the matter presses.” Don Juan put out his hand in the dark, and encountered a packet. Proceeding to take hold of it, he found that it required both hands; instinctively he extended the second, but had scarcely done so before the portal was closed, and he found himself again alone in the street, loaded with, he knew not what.

Presently the cry of an infant, and, as it seemed, but newly born, smote his ears, filling him with confusion and amazement, for he knew not what next to do, or how to proceed in so strange a case. If he knocked at the door he was almost certain to endanger the mother of the infant; and if he left his burthen there, he must imperil the life of the babe itself. But if he took it home he should as little know what to do with it, nor was he acquainted with any one in the city to whom he could entrust the care of the child; yet remembering that he had been required to come back quickly, after placing his charge in safety, he determined to take the infant home, leave it in the hands of his old housekeeper, and return to see if his aid was needed in any way, since he perceived clearly that the person who had been expected to come for the child had not arrived, and the latter had been given to himself in mistake. With this determination, Don Juan soon reached his home; but found that Antonio had already left it. He then went to his chamber, and calling the housekeeper, uncovered the infant, which was one of the most beautiful ever seen; whilst, as the good woman remarked, the elegance of the clothes in which the little creature was wrapped, proved him–for it was a boy–to be the son of rich parents.

“You must, now,” said Don Juan to his housekeeper, “find some one to nurse this infant; but first of all take away these rich coverings, and put on him others of the plainest kind. Having done that, you must carry the babe, without a moment’s delay, to the house of a midwife, for there it is that you will be most likely to find all that is requisite in such a case. Take money to pay what may be needful, and give the child such parents as you please, for I desire to hide the truth, and not let the manner in which I became possessed of it be known.” The woman promised that she would obey him in every point; and Don Juan returned in all haste to the street, to see whether he should receive another mysterious call. But just before he arrived at the house whence the infant had been delivered to him, the clash of swords struck his ear, the sound being as that of several persons engaged in strife. He listened carefully, but could hear no word; the combat was carried on in total silence; but the sparks cast up by the swords as they struck against the stones, enabled him to perceive that one man was defending himself against several assailants; and he was confirmed in this belief by an exclamation which proceeded at length from the last person attacked. “Ah, traitors! you are many and I am but one, yet your baseness shall not avail you.”

Hearing and seeing this, Don Juan, listening only to the impulses of his brave heart, sprang to the side of the person assailed, and opposing the buckler he carried on his arm to the swords of the adversaries, drew his own, and speaking in Italian that he might not be known as a Spaniard, he said–“Fear not, Signor, help has arrived that will not fail you while life holds; lay on well, for traitors are worth but little however many there may be.” To this, one of the assailants made answer–“You lie; there are no traitors here. He who seeks to recover his lost honour is no traitor, and is permitted to avail himself of every advantage.”

No more was said on either side, for the impetuosity of the assailants, who, as Don Juan thought, amounted to not less than six, left no opportunity for further words. They pressed his companion, meanwhile, very closely; and two of them giving him each a thrust at the same time with the point of their swords, he fell to the earth. Don Juan believed they had killed him; he threw himself upon the adversaries, nevertheless, and with a shower of cuts and thrusts, dealt with extraordinary rapidity, caused them to give way for several paces. But all his efforts must needs have been vain for the defence of the fallen man, had not Fortune aided him, by making the neighbours come with lights to their windows and shout for the watch, whereupon the assailants ran off and left the street clear.

The fallen man was meanwhile beginning to move; for the strokes he had received, having encountered a breastplate as hard as adamant, had only stunned, but not wounded him.

Now, Don Juan’s hat had been knocked off in the fray, and thinking he had picked it up, he had in fact put on that of another person, without perceiving it to be other than his own. The gentleman whom he had assisted now approached Don Juan, and accosted him as follows:–“Signor Cavalier, whoever you may be, I confess that I owe you my life, and I am bound to employ it, with all I have or can command, in your service: do me the favour to tell me who you are, that I may know to whom my gratitude is due.”

“Signor,” replied Don Juan, “that I may not seem discourteous, and in compliance with your request, although I am wholly disinterested in what I have done, you shall know that I am a Spanish gentleman, and a student in this city; if you desire to hear my name I will tell you, rather lest you should have some future occasion for my services than for any other motive, that I am called Don Juan de Gamboa.”

“You have done me a singular service, Signor Don Juan de Gamboa,” replied the gentleman who had fallen, “but I will not tell you who I am, nor my name, which I desire that you should learn from others rather than from myself; yet I will take care that you be soon informed respecting these things.”

Don Juan then inquired of the stranger if he were wounded, observing, that he had seen him receive two furious lunges in the breast; but the other replied that he was unhurt; adding, that next to God, a famous plastron that he wore had defended him against the blows he had received, though his enemies would certainly have finished him had Don Juan not come to his aid.

While thus discoursing, they beheld a body of men advancing towards them; and Don Juan exclaimed–“If these are enemies, Signor, let us hasten to put ourselves on our guard, and use our hands as men of our condition should do.”

“They are not enemies, so far as I can judge,” replied the stranger. “The men who are now coming towards us are friends.”

And this was the truth; the persons approaching, of whom there were eight, surrounded the unknown cavalier, with whom they exchanged a few words, but in so low a tone that Don Juan could not hear the purport. The gentleman then turned to Don Juan and said–“If these friends had not arrived I should certainly not have left your company, Signor Don Juan, until you had seen me in some place of safety; but as things are, I beg you now, with all kindness, to retire and leave me in this place, where it is of great importance that I should remain.” Speaking thus, the stranger carried his hand to his head, but finding that he was without a hat, he turned towards the persons who had joined him, desiring them to give him one, and saying that his own had fallen. He had no sooner spoken than Don Juan presented him with that which he had himself just picked up, and which he had discovered to be not his own. The stranger having felt the hat, returned it to Don Juan, saying that it was not his, and adding, “On your life, Signor Don Juan, keep this hat as a trophy of this affray, for I believe it to be one that is not unknown.”

The persons around then gave the stranger another hat, and Don Juan, after exchanging a few brief compliments with his companion, left him, in compliance with his desire, without knowing who he was: he then returned home, not daring at that moment to approach the door whence he had received the newly-born infant, because the whole neighbourhood had been aroused, and was in movement.

Now it chanced that as Don Juan was returning to his abode, he met his comrade Don Antonio de Isunza; and the latter no sooner recognised him in the darkness, than he exclaimed, “Turn about, Don Juan, and walk with me to the end of the street; I have something to tell you, and as we go along will relate a story such as you have never heard before in your life.”

“I also have one of the same kind to tell you,” returned Don Juan, “but let us go up the street as you say, and do you first relate your story.” Don Antonio thereupon walked forward, and began as follows:–“You must know that in little less than an hour after you had left the house, I left it also, to go in search of you, but I had not gone thirty paces from this place when I saw before me a black mass, which I soon perceived to be a person advancing in great haste. As the figure approached nearer, I perceived it to be that of a woman, wrapped in a very wide mantle, and who, in a voice interrupted by sobs and sighs, addressed me thus, ‘Are you, sir, a stranger, or one of the city?’ ‘I am a stranger,’ I replied, ‘and a Spaniard.’ ‘Thanks be to God!’ she exclaimed, ‘he will not have me die without the sacraments.’ ‘Are you then wounded, madam?’ continued I, ‘or attacked by some mortal malady?’ ‘It may well happen that the malady from which I suffer may prove mortal, if I do not soon receive aid,’ returned the lady, ‘wherefore, by the courtesy which is ever found among those of your nation, I entreat you, Signor Spaniard, take me from these streets, and lead me to your dwelling with all the speed you may; there, if you wish it, you shall know the cause of my sufferings, and who I am, even though it should cost me my reputation to make myself known.’

“Hearing this,” continued Don Antonio, “and seeing that the lady was in a strait which permitted no delay, I said nothing more, but offering her my hand, I conducted her by the by-streets to our house. Our page, Santisteban, opened the door, but, commanding him to retire, I led the lady in without permitting him to see her, and took her into my room, where she had no sooner entered than she fell fainting on my bed. Approaching to assist her, I removed the mantle which had hitherto concealed her face, and discovered the most astonishing loveliness that human eyes ever beheld. She may be about eighteen years old, as I should suppose, but rather less than more. Bewildered for a moment at the sight of so much beauty, I remained as one stupified, but recollecting myself, I hastened to throw water on her face, and, with a pitiable sigh, she recovered consciousness.

“The first word she uttered was the question, ‘Do you know me, Signor?’ I replied, ‘No, lady! I have not been so fortunate as ever before to have seen so much beauty.’ ‘Unhappy is she,’ returned the lady, ‘to whom heaven has given it for her misfortune. But, Signor, this is not the time to praise my beauty, but to mourn my distress. By all that you most revere, I entreat you to leave me shut up here, and let no one behold me, while you return in all haste to the place where you found me, and see if there be any persons fighting there. Yet do not take part either with one side or the other. Only separate the combatants, for whatever injury may happen to either, must needs be to the increase of my own misfortunes.’ I then left her as she desired,” continued Don Antonio, “and am now going to put an end to any quarrel which may arise, as the lady has commanded me.”

“Have you anything more to say?” inquired Don Juan.

“Do you think I have not said enough,” answered Don Antonio, “since I have told you that I have now in my chamber, and hold under my key, the most wonderful beauty that human eyes have ever beheld.”

“The adventure is a strange one, without doubt,” replied Don Juan, “but listen to mine;” and he instantly related to his friend all that had happened to him. He told how the newly-born infant was then in their house, and in the care of their housekeeper, with the orders he had given as to changing its rich habits for others less remarkable, and for procuring a nurse from the nearest midwife, to meet the present necessity. “As to the combat you come in quest of,” he added, “that is already ended, and peace is made.” Don Juan further related that he had himself taken part in the strife; and concluded by remarking, that he believed those whom he had found engaged were all persons of high quality, as well as great courage.

Each of the Spaniards was much surprised at the adventure of the other, and they instantly returned to the house to see what the lady shut up there might require. On the way, Don Antonio told Don Juan that he had promised the unknown not to suffer any one to see her; assuring her that he only would enter the room, until she should herself permit the approach of others.

“I shall nevertheless do my best to see her,” replied Don Juan; “after what you have said of her beauty, I cannot but desire to do so, and shall contrive some means for effecting it.”

Saying this they arrived at their house, when one of their three pages, bringing lights, Don Antonio cast his eyes on the hat worn by Don Juan, and perceived that it was glittering with diamonds. Don Juan took it off, and then saw that the lustre of which his companion spoke, proceeded from a very rich band formed of large brilliants. In great surprise, the friends examined the ornament, and concluded that if all the diamonds were as precious as they appeared to be, the hat must be worth more than two thousand ducats. They thus became confirmed in the conviction entertained by Don Juan, that the persons engaged in the combat were of high quality, especially the gentleman whose part he had taken, and who, as he now recollected, when bidding him take the hat, and keep it, had remarked that it was not unknown.

The young men then commanded their pages to retire, and Don Antonio, opening the door of his room, found the lady seated on his bed, leaning her cheek on her hand, and weeping piteously. Don Juan also having approached the door, the splendour of the diamonds caught the eye of the weeping lady, and she exclaimed, “Enter, my lord duke, enter! Why afford me in such scanty measure the happiness of seeing you; enter at once, I beseech you.”

“Signora,” replied Don Antonio, “there is no duke here who is declining to see you.”

“How, no duke!” she exclaimed. “He whom I have just seen is the Duke of Ferrara; the rich decoration of his hat does not permit him to conceal himself.”

“Of a truth, Signora, he who wears the hat you speak of is no duke; and if you please to undeceive yourself by seeing that person, you have but to give your permission, and he shall enter.”

“Let him do so,” said the lady; “although, if he be not the duke, my misfortune will be all the greater.”

Don Juan had heard all this, and now finding that he was invited to enter, he walked into the apartment with his hat in his hand; but he had no sooner placed himself before the lady than she, seeing he was not the person she had supposed, began to exclaim, in a troubled voice and with broken words, “Ah! miserable creature that I am, tell me, Signor–tell me at once, without keeping me in suspense, what do you know of him who owned that sombrero? How is it that he no longer has it, and how did it come into your possession? Does he still live, or is this the token that he sends me of his death? Oh! my beloved, what misery is this! I see the jewels that were thine. I see myself shut up here without the light of thy presence. I am in the power of strangers; and if I did not know that they were Spaniards and gentlemen, the fear of that disgrace by which I am threatened would already have finished my life.”

“Calm yourself, madam,” replied Don Juan, “for the master of this sombrero is not dead, nor are you in a place where any increase to your misfortunes is to be dreaded. We think only of serving you, so far as our means will permit, even to the exposing our lives for your defence and succour. It would ill become us to suffer that the trust you have in the faith of Spaniards should be vain; and since we are Spaniards, and of good quality–for here that assertion, which might otherwise appear arrogant, becomes needful–be assured that you will receive all the respect which is your due.”

“I believe you,” replied the lady; “but, nevertheless, tell me, I pray you, how this rich sombrero came into your possession, and where is its owner? who is no less a personage than Alfonso d’Este, Duke of Ferrara.”

Then Don Juan, that he might not keep the lady longer in suspense, related to her how he had found the hat in the midst of a combat, in which he had taken the part of a gentleman, who, from what she had said, he could not now doubt to be the Duke of Ferrara. He further told her how, having lost his own hat in the strife, the gentleman had bidden him keep the one he had picked up, and which belonged, as he said, to a person not unknown; that neither the cavalier nor himself had received any wound; and that, finally, certain friends or servants of the former had arrived, when he who was now believed to be the duke had requested Don Juan to leave him in that place, where he desired for certain reasons to remain.

“This, madam,” concluded Don Juan, “is the whole history of the manner in which the hat came into my possession; and for its master, whom you suppose to be the Duke of Ferrara, it is not an hour since I left him in perfect safety. Let this true narration suffice to console you, since you are anxious to be assured that the Duke is unhurt.”

To this the lady made answer, “That you, gentlemen, may know how much reason I have to inquire for the duke, and whether I need be anxious for his safety, listen in your turn with attention, and I will relate what I know not yet if I must call my unhappy history.”

While these things were passing, the housekeeper of Don Antonio and Don Juan was occupied with the infant, whose mouth she had moistened with honey, and whose rich habits she was changing for clothes of a very humble character. When that was done, she was about to carry the babe to the house of the midwife, as Don Juan had recommended, but as she was passing with it before the door of the room wherein the lady was about to commence her history, the little creature began to cry aloud, insomuch that the lady heard it. She instantly rose to her feet, and set herself to listen, when the plaints of the infant arrived more distinctly to her ear.

“What child is this, gentlemen?” said she, “for it appears to be but just born.”

Don Juan replied, “It is a little fellow who has been laid at the door of our house to-night, and our servant is about to seek some one who will nurse it.”

“Let them bring it to me, for the love of God!” exclaimed the lady, “for I will offer that charity to the child of others, since it has not pleased Heaven that I should be permitted to nourish my own.”

Don Juan then called the housekeeper, and taking the infant from her arms he placed it in those of the lady, saying, “Behold, madam, this is the present that has been made to us to-night, and it is not the first of the kind that we have received, since but few months pass wherein we do not find such God-sends hooked on to the hinges of our doors.”

The lady had meanwhile taken the infant into her arms, and looked attentively at its face, but remarking the poverty of its clothing, which was, nevertheless, extremely clean, she could not restrain her tears. She cast the kerchief which she had worn around her head over her bosom, that she might succour the infant with decency, and bending her face over that of the child, she remained long without raising her head, while her eyes rained torrents of tears on the little creature she was nursing.

The babe was eager to be fed, but finding that it could not obtain the nourishment it sought, the lady returned the babe to Don Juan, saying, “I have vainly desired to be charitable to this deserted infant, and have but shown that I am new to such matters. Let your servants put a little honey on the lips of the child, but do not suffer them to carry it through the streets at such an hour; bid them wait until the day breaks, and let the babe be once more brought to me before they take it away, for I find a great consolation in the sight of it.”

Don Juan then restored the infant to the housekeeper, bidding her take the best care she could of it until daybreak, commanding that the rich clothes it had first worn should be put on it again, and directing her not to take it from the house until he had seen it once more. That done, he returned to the room; and the two friends being again alone with the beautiful lady, she said, “If you desire that I should relate my story, you must first give me something that may restore my strength, for I feel in much need of it.” Don Antonio flew to the beaufet for some conserves, of which the lady ate a little; and having drunk a glass of water, and feeling somewhat refreshed, she said, “Sit down, Signors, and listen to my story.”

The gentlemen seated themselves accordingly, and she, arranging herself on the bed, and covering her person with the folds of her mantle, suffered the veil which she had kept about her head to fall on her shoulders, thus giving her face to view, and exhibiting in it a lustre equal to that of the moon, rather of the sun itself, when displayed in all its splendour. Liquid pearls fell from her eyes, which she endeavoured to dry with a kerchief of extraordinary delicacy, and with hands so white that he must have had much judgment in colour who could have found a difference between them and the cambric. Finally, after many a sigh and many an effort to calm herself, with a feeble and trembling voice, she said–

“I, Signors, am she of whom you have doubtless heard mention in this city, since, such as it is, there are few tongues that do not publish the fame of my beauty. I am Cornelia Bentivoglio, sister of Lorenzo Bentivoglio; and, in saying this, I have perhaps affirmed two acknowledged truths,–the one my nobility, and the other my beauty. At a very early age I was left an orphan to the care of my brother, who was most sedulous in watching over me, even from my childhood, although he reposed more confidence in my sentiments of honour than in the guards he had placed around me. In short, kept thus between walls and in perfect solitude, having no other company than that of my attendants, I grew to womanhood, and with me grew the reputation of my loveliness, bruited abroad by the servants of my house, and by such as had been admitted to my privacy, as also by a portrait which my brother had caused to be taken by a famous painter, to the end, as he said, that the world might not be wholly deprived of my features, in the event of my being early summoned by Heaven to a better life.

“All this might have ended well, had it not chanced that the Duke of Ferrara consented to act as sponsor at the nuptials of one of my cousins; when my brother permitted me to be present at the ceremony, that we might do the greater honour to our kinswoman. There I saw and was seen; there, as I believe, hearts were subjugated, and the will of the beholders rendered subservient; there I felt the pleasure received from praise, even when bestowed by flattering tongues; and, finally, I there beheld the duke, and was seen by him; in a word, it is in consequence of this meeting that you see me here.

“I will not relate to you, Signors (for that would needlessly protract my story), the various stratagems and contrivances by which the duke and myself, at the end of two years, were at length enabled to bring about that union, our desire for which had received birth at those nuptials. Neither guards, nor seclusion, nor remonstrances, nor human diligence of any kind, sufficed to prevent it, and we were finally made one; for without the sanction due to my honour, Alfonso would certainly not have prevailed. I would fain have had him publicly demand my hand from my brother, who would not have refused it; nor would the duke have had to excuse himself before the world as to any inequality in our marriage, since the race of the Bentivogli is in no manner inferior to that of Este; but the reasons which he gave for not doing as I wished appeared to me sufficient, and I suffered them to prevail.

“The visits of the duke were made through the intervention of a servant, over whom his gifts had more influence than was consistent with the confidence reposed in her by my brother. After a time I perceived that I was about to become a mother, and feigning illness and low spirits, I prevailed on Lorenzo to permit me to visit the cousin at whose marriage it was that I first saw the duke; I then apprised the latter of my situation, letting him also know the danger in which my life was placed from that suspicion of the truth which I could not but fear that Lorenzo must eventually entertain.

“It was then agreed between us, that when the time for my travail drew near, the duke should come, with certain of his friends, and take me to Ferrara, where our marriage should be publicly celebrated. This was the night on which I was to have departed, and I was waiting the arrival of Alfonso, when I heard my brother pass the door with several other persons, all armed, as I could hear, by the noise of their weapons. The terror caused by this event was such as to occasion the premature birth of my infant, a son, whom the waiting-woman, my confidant, who had made all ready for his reception, wrapped at once in the clothes we had provided, and gave at the street-door, as she told me, to a servant of the duke. Soon afterwards, taking such measures as I could under circumstances so pressing, and hastened by the fear of my brother, I also left the house, hoping to find the duke awaiting me in the street. I ought not to have gone forth until he had come to the door; but the armed band of my brother, whose sword I felt at my throat, had caused me such terror that I was not in a state to reflect. Almost out of my senses I came forth, as you behold me; and what has since happened you know. I am here, it is true, without my husband, and without my son; yet I return thanks to Heaven which has led me into your hands–for from you I promise myself all that may be expected from Spanish courtesy, reinforced, as it cannot but be in your persons, by the nobility of your race.”

Having said this, the lady fell back on the bed, and the two friends hastened to her assistance, fearing she had again fainted. But they found this not to be the case; she was only weeping bitterly. Wherefore Don Juan said to her, “If up to the present moment, beautiful lady, my companion Don Antonio, and I, have felt pity and regret for you as being a woman, still more shall we now do so, knowing your quality; since compassion and grief are changed into the positive obligation and duty of serving and aiding you. Take courage, and do not be dismayed; for little as you are formed to endure such trials, so much the more will you prove yourself to be the exalted person you are, as your patience and fortitude enable you to rise above your sorrows. Believe me, Signora, I am persuaded that these extraordinary events are about to have a fortunate conclusion; for Heaven can never permit so much beauty to endure permanent sorrow, nor suffer your chaste purposes to be frustrated. Go now to bed, Signora, and take that care of your health of which you have so much need; there shall presently come to wait on you a servant of ours, in whom you may confide as in ourselves, for she will maintain silence respecting your misfortunes with no less discretion than she will attend to all your necessities.”

“The condition in which I find myself,” replied the lady, “might compel me to the adoption of more difficult measures than those you advise. Let this woman come, Signors; presented to me by you, she cannot fail to be good and serviceable; but I beseech you let no other living being see me.”

“So shall it be,” replied Don Antonio; and the two friends withdrew, leaving Cornelia alone.

Don Juan then commanded the housekeeper to enter the room, taking with her the infant, whose rich habits she had already replaced. The woman did as she was ordered, having been previously told what she should reply to the questions of the Signora respecting the infant she bore in her arms Seeing her come in, Cornelia instantly said, “You come in good time, my friend; give me that infant, and place the light near me.”

The servant obeyed; and, taking the babe in her arms, Cornelia instantly began to tremble, gazed at him intently, and cried out in haste, “Tell me, good woman, is this child the same that you brought me a short time since?” “It is the same, Signora,” replied the woman. “How is it, then, that his clothing is so different? Certainly, dame housekeeper, either these are other wrappings, or the infant is not the same.” “It may all be as you say,” began the old woman. “All as I say!” interrupted Cornelia, “how and what is this? I conjure you, friend, by all you most value, to tell me whence you received these rich clothes; for my heart seems to be bursting in my bosom! Tell me the cause of this change; for you must know that these things belong to me, if my sight do not deceive me, and my memory have not failed. In these robes, or some like them, I entrusted to a servant of mine the treasured jewel of my soul! Who has taken them from him? Ah, miserable creature that I am! who has brought these things here? Oh, unhappy and woeful day!”

Don Juan and Don Antonio, who were listening to all this, could not suffer the matter to go further, nor would they permit the exchange of the infant’s dress to trouble the poor lady any longer. They therefore entered the room, and Don Juan said, “This infant and its wrappings are yours, Signora;” and immediately he related from point to point how the matter had happened. He told Cornelia that he was himself the person to whom the waiting woman had given the child, and how he had brought it home, with the orders he had given to the housekeeper respecting its change of clothes, and his motives for doing so. He added that, from the moment when she had spoken of her own infant, he had felt certain that this was no other than her son; and if he had not told her so at once, that was because he feared the effects of too much gladness, coming immediately after the heavy grief which her trials had caused her.

The tears of joy then shed by Cornelia were many and long-continued; infinite were the acknowledgments she offered to Heaven, innumerable the kisses she lavished on her son, and profuse the thanks which she offered from her heart to the two friends, whom she called her guardian angels on earth, with other names, which gave abundant proof of her gratitude. They soon afterwards left the lady with their housekeeper, whom they enjoined to attend her well, and do her all the service possible–having made known to the woman the position in which Cornelia found herself, to the end that she might take all necessary precautions, the nature of which, she, being a woman, would know much better than they could do. They then went to rest for the little that remained of the night, intending to enter Cornelia’s apartment no more, unless summoned by herself, or called thither by some pressing need.

The day having dawned, the housekeeper went to fetch a woman, who agreed to nurse the infant in silence and secrecy. Some hours later the friends inquired for Cornelia, and their servant told them that she had rested a little. Don Juan and Don Antonio then went to the Schools. As they passed by the street where the combat had taken place, and near the house whence Cornelia had fled, they took care to observe whether any signs of disorder were apparent, and whether the matter seemed to be talked of in the neighbourhood: but they could hear not a word respecting the affray of the previous night, or the absence of Cornelia. So, having duly attended the various lectures, they returned to their dwelling.

The lady then caused them to be summoned to her chamber; but finding that, from respect to her presence, they hesitated to appear, she replied to the message they sent her, with tears in her eyes, begging them to come and see her, which she declared to be now the best proof of their respect as well as interest; since, if they could not remedy, they might at least console her misfortunes.

Thus exhorted, the gentlemen obeyed, and Cornelia received them with a smiling face and great cordiality. She then entreated that they would do her the kindness to walk about the city, and ascertain if anything had transpired concerning her affairs. They replied, that they had already done so, with all possible care, but that not a word had been said reacting the matter.

At this moment, one of the three pages who served the gentlemen approached the door of the room telling his masters from without, that there was then at the street door, attended by two servants, a gentleman, who called himself Lorenzo Bentivoglio, and inquired for the Signor Don Juan de Gamboa. Hearing this message, Cornelia clasped her hands, and placing them on her mouth, she exclaimed, in a low and trembling voice, while her words came with difficulty through those clenched fingers, “It is my brother, Signors! it is my brother! Without doubt he has learned that I am here, and has come to take my life. Help and aid, Signors! help and aid!”

“Calm yourself, lady,” replied Don Antonio; “you are in a place of safety, and with people who will not suffer the smallest injury to be offered you. The Signor Don Juan will go to inquire what this gentleman demands, and I will remain to defend you, if need be, from all disturbance.”

Don Juan prepared to descend accordingly, and Don Antonio, taking his loaded pistols, bade the pages belt on their swords, and hold themselves in readiness for whatever might happen. The housekeeper, seeing these preparations began to tremble,–Cornelia, dreading some fearful result was in grievous terror,–Don Juan and Don Antonio alone preserved their coolness.

Arrived at the door of the house, Don Juan found Don Lorenzo, who, coming towards him, said, “I entreat your Lordship”–for such is the form of address among Italians–“I entreat your Lordship to do me the kindness to accompany me to the neighbouring church; I have to speak to you respecting an affair which concerns my life and honour.”

“Very willingly,” replied Don Juan. “Let us go, Signor, wherever you please.”

They walked side by side to the church, where they seated themselves on a retired bench, so as not to be overheard. Don Lorenzo was the first to break silence.

“Signor Spaniard,” he said, “I am Lorenzo Bentivoglio; if not of the richest, yet of one of the most important families belonging to this city; and if this seem like boasting of myself, the notoriety of the fact may serve as my excuse for naming it. I was left an orphan many years since, and to my guardianship was left a sister, so beautiful, that if she were not nearly connected with me, I might perhaps describe her in terms that, while they might seem exaggerated, would yet not by any means do justice to her attractions. My honour being very dear to me, and she being very young, as well as beautiful, I took all possible care to guard her at all points; but my best precautions have proved vain; the self-will of Cornelia, for that is her name, has rendered all useless. In a word, and not to weary you–for this story might become a long one,–I will but tell you, that the Duke of Ferrara, Alfonso d’Este, vanquishing the eyes of Argus by those of a lynx, has rendered all my cares vain, by carrying off my sister last night from the house of one of our kindred; and it is even said that she has already become a mother.

“The misfortune of our house was made known to me last night, and I instantly placed myself on the watch; nay, I met and even attacked Alfonso, sword in hand; but he was succoured in good time by some angel, who would not permit me to efface in his blood the stain he has put upon me. My relation has told me, (and it is from her I have heard all,) that the duke deluded my sister, under a promise to make her his wife; but this I do not believe, for, in respect to present station and wealth, the marriage would not be equal, although, in point of blood, all the world knows how noble are the Bentivogli of Bologna. What I fear is, that the duke has done, what is but too easy when a great and powerful Prince desires to win a timid and retiring girl: he has merely called her by the tender name of wife, and made her believe that certain considerations have prevented him from marrying her at once,–a plausible pretence, but false and perfidious.

“Be that as it may, I see myself at once deprived of my sister and my honour. Up to this moment I have kept the matter secret, purposing not to make known the outrage to any one, until I see whether there may not be some remedy, or means of satisfaction to be obtained. It is better that a disgrace of this kind be supposed and suspected, than certainly and distinctly known–seeing that between the yes and the no of a doubt, each inclines to the opinion that most attracts him, and both sides of the question find defenders. Considering all these things, I have determined to repair to Ferrara, and there demand satisfaction from the duke himself. If he refuse it, I will then offer him defiance. Yet my defiance cannot be made with armed bands, for I could neither get them together nor maintain them but as from man to man. For this it is, then, that I desire your aid. I hope you will accompany me in the journey; nay, I am confident that you will do so, being a Spaniard and a gentleman, as I am told you are.

“I cannot entrust my purpose to any relation or friend of my family, knowing well that from them I should have nothing more than objections and remonstrances, while from you I may hope for sensible and honourable counsels, even though there should be peril in pursuing them. You must do me the favour to go with me, Signor. Having a Spaniard, and such as you appear to be, at my side, I shall account myself to have the armies of Xerxes. I am asking much at your hands; but the duty of answering worthily to what fame publishes of your nation, would oblige you to do still more than I ask.”

“No more, Signor Lorenzo,” exclaimed Don Juan, who had not before interrupted the brother of Cornelia; “no more. From this moment I accept the office you propose to me, and will be your defender and counsellor. I take upon myself the satisfaction of your honour, or due vengeance for the affront you have received, not only because I am a Spaniard, but because I am a gentleman, and you another, so noble, as you have said, as I know you to be, and as, indeed, all the world reputes you. When shall we set out? It would be better that we did so immediately, for a man does ever well to strike while the iron is hot. The warmth of anger increases courage, and a recent affront more effectually awakens vengeance.”

Hearing this, Don Lorenzo rose and embraced Don Juan, saying to him, “A person so generous as yourself, Signor Don Juan, needs no other incentive than that of the honour to be gained in such a cause: this honour you have assured to yourself to-day, if we come out happily from our adventure; but I offer you in addition all I can do, or am worth. Our departure I would have to be to-morrow, since I can provide all things needful to-day.”

“This appears to me well decided,” replied Don Juan, “but I must beg you, Signor Don Lorenzo, to permit me to make all known to a gentleman who is my friend, and of whose honour and silence I can assure you even more certainly than of my own, if that were possible.”

“Since you, Signor Don Juan,” replied Lorenzo, “have taken charge, as you say, of my honour, dispose of this matter as you please; and make it known to whom and in what manner it shall seem best to you; how much more, then, to a companion of your own, for what can he be but everything that is best.”

This said, the gentlemen embraced each other and took leave, after having agreed that on the following morning Lorenzo should send to summon Don Juan at an hour fixed on when they should mount their horses and pursue their journey in the disguise that Don Lorenzo had selected.

Don Juan then returned, and gave an account of all that had passed to Don Antonio and Cornelia, not omitting the engagement into which he had entered for the morrow.

“Good heavens, Signor!” exclaimed Cornelia; “what courtesy! what confidence! to think of your committing yourself without hesitation to an undertaking so replete with difficulties! How can you know whether Lorenzo will take you to Ferrara, or to what place indeed he may conduct you? But go with him whither you may, be certain that the very soul of honour and good faith will stand beside you. For myself, unhappy creature that I am, I shall be terrified at the very atoms that dance in the sunbeams, and tremble at every shadow; but how can it be otherwise, since on the answer of Duke Alfonso depends my life or death. How do I know that he will reply with sufficient courtesy to prevent the anger of my brother from passing the limits of discretion? and if Lorenzo should draw the sword, think ye he will have a despicable enemy to encounter? Must not I remain through all the days of your absence in a state of mortal suspense and terror, awaiting the favourable or grievous intelligence that you shall bring me! Do I love either my brother or the duke so little as not to tremble for both, and not feel the injury of either to my soul?”

“Your fears affect your judgment, Signora Cornelia,” replied Don Juan; “and they go too far. Amidst so many terrors, you should give some place to hope, and trust in God. Put some faith also in my care, and in the earnest desire I feel to see your affairs attain to a happy conclusion. Your brother cannot avoid making this journey to Ferrara, nor can I excuse myself from accompanying him thither. For the present we do not know the intentions of the duke, nor even whether he be or be not acquainted with your elopement. All this we must learn from his own mouth; and there is no one who can better make the inquiry than myself. Be certain, Signora, that the welfare and satisfaction of both your brother and the Signor Duke are to me as the apples of my eyes, and that I will care for the safety of the one as of the other.”

“Ah Signor Don Juan,” replied Cornelia, “if Heaven grant you as much power to remedy, as grace to console misfortune, I must consider myself exceedingly fortunate in the midst of my sorrows; and now would I fain see you gone and returned; for the whole time of your absence I must pass suspended between hope and fear.”

The determination of Don Juan was approved by Don Antonio, who commended him for the justification which he had thereby given to the confidence of Lorenzo Bentivoglio. He furthermore told his friend that he would gladly accompany him, to be ready for whatever might happen, but Don Juan replied–“Not so; first, because you must remain for the better security of the lady Cornelia, whom it will not be well to leave alone; and secondly, because I would not have Signor Lorenzo suppose that I desire to avail myself of the arm of another.” “But my arm is your own,” returned Don Antonio, “wherefore, if I must even disguise myself, and can but follow you at a distance, I will go with you; and as to Signora Cornelia, I know well that she will prefer to have me accompany you, seeing that she will not here want people who can serve and guard her.” “Indeed,” said Cornelia, “it will be a great consolation to me to know that you are together, Signors, or at least so near as to be able to assist each other in case of necessity; and since the undertaking you are going on appears to be dangerous, do me the favour, gentlemen, to take these Relics with you.” Saying this, Cornelia drew from her bosom a diamond cross, of great value, with an Agnus of gold equally rich and costly. The two gentlemen looked at the magnificent jewels, which they esteemed to be of still greater value than the decoration of the hat; but they returned them to the lady, each saying that he carried Relics of his own, which, though less richly decorated, were at least equally efficacious. Cornelia regretted much that they would not accept those she offered, but she was compelled to submit.

The housekeeper was now informed of the departure of her masters, though not of their destination, or of the purpose for which they went. She promised to take the utmost care of the lady, whose name she did not know, and assured her masters that she would be so watchful as to prevent her suffering in any manner from their absence.

Early the following morning Lorenzo was at the door, where he found Don Juan ready. The latter had assumed a travelling dress, with the rich sombrero presented by the duke, and which he had adorned with black and yellow plumes, placing a black covering over the band of brilliants. He went to take leave of Cornelia, who, knowing that her brother was near, fell into an agony of terror, and could not say one word to the two friends who were bidding her adieu. Don Juan went out the first, and accompanied Lorenzo beyond the walls of the city, where they found their servants waiting with the horses in a retired garden. They mounted, rode on before, and the servants guided their masters in the direction of Ferrara by ways but little known. Don Antonio followed on a low pony, and with such a change of apparel as sufficed to disguise him; but fancying that they regarded him with suspicion, especially Lorenzo, he determined to pursue the highway, and rejoin his friend in Ferrara, where he was certain to find him with but little difficulty.

The Spaniards had scarcely got clear of the city before Cornelia had confided her whole history to the housekeeper, informing her that the infant belonged to herself and to the Duke of Ferrara, and making her acquainted with all that has been related, not concealing from her that the journey made by her masters was to Ferrara, or that they went accompanied by her brother, who was going to challenge the Duke Alfonso.

Hearing all this, the housekeeper, as though the devil had sent her to complicate the difficulties and defer the restoration of Cornelia, began to exclaim–“Alas! lady of my soul! all these things have happened to you, and you remain carelessly there with your limbs stretched out, and doing nothing! Either you have no soul at all, or you have one so poor and weak that you do not feel it! And do you really suppose that your brother has gone to Ferrara? Believe nothing of the kind, but rather be sure that he has carried off my masters, and wiled them from the house, that he may return and take your life, for he can now do it as one would drink a cup of water. Consider only under what kind of guard and protection we are left–that of three pages, who have enough to do with their own pranks, and are little likely to put their hands to any thing good. I, for my part, shall certainly not have courage to await what must follow, and the destruction that cannot but come upon this house. The Signor Lorenzo, an Italian, to put his trust in Spaniards, and ask help and favour from them! By the light of my eyes. I will believe none of that!” So saying, she made a fig[2]A gesture of contempt or playfulness, as the case may be, and which consists in a certain twist of the fingers and thumb. at herself. “But if you, my daughter, will take good advice, I will give you such as shall truly enlighten your way.”

Cornelia was thrown into a pitiable state of alarm and confusion by these declarations of file housekeeper, who spoke with so much heat, and gave so many evidences of terror, that all she said appeared to be the very truth. The lady pictured to herself Don Antonio and Don Juan as perhaps already dead; she fancied her brother even then coming in at the door, and felt herself already pierced by the blows of his poniard. She therefore replied, “What advice do you then give me, good friend, that may prevent the catastrophe which threatens us?”

“I will give you counsel so good,” rejoined the housekeeper, “that better could not be. I, Signora, was formerly in the service of a priest, who has his abode in a village not more than two miles from Ferrara. He is a good and holy man, who will do whatever I require from him, since he is under more obligations to me than merely those of a master to a faithful servant. Let us go to him. I will seek some one who shall conduct us thither instantly; and the woman who comes to nurse the infant is a poor creature, who will go with us to the end of the world. And, now make ready, Signora; for supposing you are to be discovered, it would be much better that you should be found under the care of a good priest, old and respected, than in the hands of two young students, bachelors and Spaniards, who, as I can myself bear witness, are but little disposed to lose occasions for amusing themselves. Now that you are unwell, they treat you with respect; but if you get well and remain in their clutches, Heaven alone will be able to help you; for truly, if my cold disdain and repulses had not been my safeguard, they would long since have torn my honour to rags. All is not gold that glitters. Men say one thing, but think another: happily, it is with me that they have to do; and I am not to be deceived, but know well when the shoe pinches my foot. Above all, I am well born, for I belong to the Crivellis of Milan, and I carry the point of honour ten thousand feet above the clouds; by this you may judge, Signora, through what troubles I have had to pass, since, being what I am, I have been brought to serve as the housekeeper of Spaniards, or as, what they call, their gouvernante. Not that I have, in truth, any complaint to make of my masters, who are a couple of half-saints[3]The original is benditos, which sometimes means simpleton, but is here equivalent to the Italian beato, and must be rendered as in the text.when they are not put into a rage. And, in this respect, they would seem to be Biscayans, as, indeed, they say they are. But, after all, they may be Galicians, which is another nation, and much less exact than the Biscayans; neither are they so much to be depended on as the people of the Bay.”

By all this verbiage, and more beside, the bewildered lady was induced to follow the advice of the old woman, insomuch that, in less than four hours after the departure of the friends, their housekeeper making all arrangements, and Cornelia consenting, the latter was seated in a carriage with the nurse of the babe, and without being heard by the pages they set off on their way to the curate’s village. All this was done not only by the advice of the housekeeper, but also with her money; for her masters had just before paid her a year’s wages, and therefore it was not needful that she should take a jewel which Cornelia had offered her for the purposes of their journey.

Having heard Don Juan say that her brother and himself would not follow the highway to Ferrara, but proceed thither by retired paths, Cornelia thought it best to take the high road. She bade the driver, go slowly, that they might not overtake the gentlemen in any case; and the master of the carriage was well content to do as they liked, since they had paid him as he liked.

We will leave them on their way, which they take with as much boldness as good direction, and let us see what happened to Don Juan de Gamboa and Signor Lorenzo Bentivoglio. On their way they heard that the duke had not gone to Ferrara, but was still at Bologna, wherefore, abandoning the round they were making, they regained the high road, considering that it was by this the duke would travel on his return to Ferrara. Nor had they long entered thereon before they perceived a troop of men on horseback coming as it seemed from Bologna.

Don Juan then begged Lorenzo to withdraw to a little distance, since, if the duke should chance to be of the company approaching, it would be desirable that he should speak to him before he could enter Ferrara, which was but a short distance from them. Lorenzo complied, and as soon as he had withdrawn, Don Juan removed the covering by which he had concealed the rich ornament of his hat; but this was not done without some little indiscretion, as he was himself the first to admit some time after.

Meanwhile the travellers approached; among them came a woman on a pied-horse, dressed in a travelling habit, and her face covered with a silk mask, either to conceal her features, or to shelter them from the effects of the sun and air.

Don Juan pulled up his horse in the middle of the road, and remained with his face uncovered, awaiting the arrival of the cavalcade. As they approached him, the height, good looks, and spirited attitude of the Spaniard, the beauty of his horse, his peculiar dress, and, above all, the lustre of the diamonds on his hat, attracted the eyes of the whole party but especially those of the Duke of Ferrara, the principal personage of the group, who no sooner beheld the band of brilliants than he understood the cavalier before him to be Don Juan de Gamboa, his deliverer in the combat frequently alluded to. So well convinced did he feel of this, that, without further question, he rode up to Don Juan, saying, “I shall certainly not deceive myself, Signor Cavalier, if I call you Don Juan de Gamboa, for your spirited looks, and the decoration you wear on your hat, alike assure me of the fact.”

“It is true that I am the person you say,” replied Don Juan. “I have never yet desired to conceal my name; but tell me, Signor, who you are yourself, that I may not be surprised into any discourtesy.”

“Discourtesy from you, Signor, would be impossible,” rejoined the duke. “I feel sure that you could not be discourteous in any case; but I hasten to tell you, nevertheless, that I am the Duke of Ferrara, and a man who will be bound to do you service all the days of his life, since it is but a few nights since you gave him that life which must else have been lost.”

Alfonzo had not finished speaking, when Don Juan, springing lightly from his horse, hastened to kiss the feet of the duke; but, with all his agility, the latter was already out of the saddle, and alighted in the arms of the Spaniard.

Seeing this, Signor Lorenzo, who could but observe these ceremonies from a distance, believed that what he beheld was the effect of anger rather than courtesy; he therefore put his horse to its speed, but pulled up midway on perceiving that the duke and Don Juan were of a verity clasped in each other’s arms. It then chanced that Alfonso, looking over the shoulders of Don Juan, perceived Lorenzo, whom he instantly recognised; and somewhat disconcerted at his appearance, while still holding Don Juan embraced, he inquired if Lorenzo Bentivoglio, whom he there beheld, had come with him or not. Don Juan replied, “Let us move somewhat apart from this place, and I will relate to your excellency some very singular circumstances.”

The duke having done as he was requested, Don Juan said to him, “My Lord Duke, I must tell you that Lorenzo Bentivoglio, whom you there see, has a cause of complaint against you, and not a light one; he avers that some nights since you took his sister, the Lady Cornelia, from the house of a lady, her cousin, and that you have deceived her, and dishonoured his house; he desires therefore to know what satisfaction you propose to make for this, that he may then see what it behoves him to do. He has begged me to be his aid and mediator in the matter, and I have consented with a good will, since, from certain indications which he gave me, I perceived that the person of whom of complained, and yourself, to whose liberal courtesy I owe this rich ornament, were one and the same. Thus, seeing that none could more effectually mediate between you than myself, I offered to undertake that office willingly, as I have said; and now I would have you tell me, Signor, if you know aught of this matter, and whether what Lorenzo has told me be true.”

“Alas, my friend, it is so true,” replied the duke, “that I durst not deny it, even if I would. Yet I have not deceived or carried off Cornelia, although I know that she has disappeared from the house of which you speak. I have not deceived her, because I have taken her for my wife; and I have not carried her off, since I do not know what has become of her. If I have not publicly celebrated my nuptials with her, it is because I waited until my mother, who is now at the last extremity, should have passed to another life, she desiring greatly that I should espouse the Signora Livia, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. There are, besides, other reasons, even more important than this, but which it is not convenient that I should now make known.

“What has in fact happened is this:–on the night when you came to my assistance, I was to have taken Cornelia to Ferrara, she being then in the last month of her pregnancy, and about to present me with that pledge of our love with which it has pleased God to bless us; but whether she was alarmed by our combat or by my delay, I know not; all I can tell you is, that when I arrived at the house, I met the confidante of our affection just coming out. From her I learned that her mistress had that moment left the house, after having given birth to a son, the most beautiful that ever had been seen, and whom she had given to one Fabio, my servant. The woman is she whom you see here. Fabio is also in this company; but of Cornelia and her child I can learn nothing. These two days I have passed at Bologna, in ceaseless endeavours to discover her, or to obtain some clue to her retreat, but I have not been able to learn anything.”

“In that case,” interrupted Don Juan, “if Cornelia and her child were now to appear, you would not refuse to admit that the first is your wife, and the second your son?”

“Certainly not,” replied the duke; “for if I value myself on being a gentleman, still more highly do I prize the title of Christian. Cornelia, besides, is one who well deserves to be mistress of a kingdom. Let her but come, and whether my mother live or die, the world shall know that I maintain my faith, and that my word, given in private, shall be publicly redeemed.”

“And what you have now said to me you are willing to repeat to your brother, Signor Lorenzo?” inquired Don Juan.

“My only regret is,” exclaimed the duke, “that he has not long before been acquainted with the truth.”

Hearing this, Don Juan made sign to Lorenzo that he should join them, which he did, alighting from his horse and proceeding towards the place where his friends stood, but far from hoping for the good news that awaited him.

The duke advanced to receive him with open arms, and the first word he uttered was to call him brother. Lorenzo scarcely knew how to reply to a reception so courteous and a salutation so affectionate. He stood amazed, and before he could utter a word, Don Juan said to him, “The duke, Signor Lorenzo, is but too happy to admit his affection for your sister, the Lady Cornelia; and, at the same time, he assures you, that she is his legitimate consort. This, as he now says it to you, he will affirm publicly before all the world, when the moment for doing so has arrived. He confesses, moreover, that he did propose to remove her from the house of her cousin some nights since, intending to take her to Ferrara, there to await the proper time for their public espousals, which he has only delayed for just causes, which he has declared to me. He describes the conflict he had to maintain against yourself; and adds, that when he went to seek Cornelia, he found only her waiting-woman, Sulpicia, who is the woman you see yonder: from her he has learned that her lady had just given birth to a son, whom she entrusted to a servant of the duke, and then left the house in terror, because she feared that you, Signor Lorenzo, had been made aware of her secret marriage: the lady hoped, moreover, to find the duke awaiting her in the street. But it seems that Sulpicia did not give the babe to Fabio, but to some other person instead of him, and the child does not appear, neither is the Lady Cornelia to be found, in spite of the duke’s researches. He admits, that all these things have happened by his fault; but declares, that whenever your sister shall appear, he is ready to receive her as his legitimate wife. Judge, then, Signor Lorenzo, if there be any more to say or to desire beyond the discovery of those two dear but unfortunate ones–the lady and her infant.”

To this Lorenzo replied by throwing himself at the feet of the duke, who raised him instantly. “From your greatness and Christian uprightness, most noble lord and dear brother,” said Lorenzo, “my sister and I had certainly nothing less than this high honour to expect.” Saying this, tears came to his eyes, and the duke felt his own becoming moist, for both were equally affected,–the one with the fear of having lost his wife, the other by the generous candour of his brother-in-law; but at once perceiving the weakness of thus displaying their feelings, they both restrained themselves, and drove back those witnesses to their source; while the eyes of Don Juan, shining with gladness, seemed almost to demand from them the albricias[4]Albricias: “Largess!” “Give reward for good tidings.”of good news, seeing that he believed himself to have both Cornelia and her son in his own house.

Things were at this point when Don Antonio de Isunza, whom Don Juan recognised at a considerable distance by his horse, was perceived approaching. He also recognised Don Juan and Lorenzo, but not the duke, and did not know what he was to do, or whether he ought to rejoin his friend or not. He therefore inquired of the duke’s servants who the gentleman was, then standing with Lorenzo and Don Juan. They replied that it was the Duke of Ferrara; and Don Antonio, knowing less than ever what it was best for him to do, remained in some confusion, until he was relieved from it by Don Juan, who called him by his name. Seeing that all were on foot, Don Antonio also dismounted, and, approaching the group, was received with infinite courtesy by the duke, to whom Don Juan had already named him as his friend; finally, Don Antonio was made acquainted with all that had taken place before his arrival.

Rejoicing greatly at what he heard, Don Antonio then said to his comrade, “Why, Signor Don Juan, do you not finish your work, and raise the joy of these Signors to its acmè, by requiring from them the albricias for discovering the Lady Cornelia and her son?”

“Had you not arrived, I might have taken those albricias you speak of,” replied Don Juan; “but now they are yours, Don Antonio, for I am certain that the duke and Signor Lorenzo will give them to you most joyfully.”

The duke and Lorenzo hearing of Cornelia being found, and of albricias, inquired the meaning of those words.

“What can it be,” replied Don Antonio, “if not that I also design to become one of the personages in this happily terminating drama, being he who is to demand the albricias for the discovery of the Lady Cornelia and her son, who are both in my house.” He then at once related to the brothers, point by point, what has been already told, intelligence which gave the duke and Lorenzo so much pleasure, that each embraced one of the friends with all his heart, Lorenzo throwing himself into the arms of Don Juan, and the duke into those of Don Antonio–the latter promising his whole dukedom for albricias, and Lorenzo his life, soul, and estates. They then called the woman who had given the child to Don Juan, and she having perceived her master, Lorenzo Bentivoglio, came forward, trembling. Being asked if she could recognise the man to whom she had given the infant, she replied that she could not; but that when she had asked if he were Fabio, he had answered “yes,” and that she had entrusted the babe to his care in the faith of that reply.

“All this is true,” returned Don Juan; “and you furthermore bade me deposit the child in a place of security, and instantly return.”

“I did so,” replied the waiting-woman, weeping. But the duke exclaimed, “We will have no more tears; all is gladness and joy. I will not now enter Ferrara, but return at once to Bologna; for this happiness is but in shadow until made perfect by the sight of Cornelia herself.” Then, without more words, the whole company wheeled round, and took their way to Bologna.

Don Antonio now rode forward to prepare the Lady Cornelia, lest the sudden appearance of her brother and the duke might cause too violent a revulsion; but not finding her as he expected, and the pages being unable to give him any intelligence respecting her, he suddenly found himself the saddest and most embarrassed man in the world. Learning that the gouvernante had departed, he was not long in conjecturing that the lady had disappeared by her means. The pages informed him that the housekeeper had gone on the same day with himself and Don Juan, but as to that Lady Cornelia, respecting whom he inquired, they had never seen her. Don Antonio was almost out of his senses at this unexpected occurrence, which, he feared, must make the duke consider himself and Don Juan to be mere liars and boasters. He was plunged in these sad thoughts when Alfonso entered with Lorenzo and Don Juan, who had spurred on before the attendants by retired and unfrequented streets. They found Don Antonio seated with his head on his hand, and as pale as a man who has been long dead, and when Don Juan inquired what ailed him, and where was the Lady Cornelia, he replied, “Rather ask me what do I not ail, since the Lady Cornelia is not to be found. She quitted the house, on the same day as ourselves, with the gouvernante we left to keep her company.”

This sad news seemed as though it would deprive the duke of life, and Lorenzo of his senses. The whole party remained in the utmost consternation and dismay; when one of the pages said to Don Antonio in a whisper, “Signor, Santisteban, Signor Don Juan’s page, has had locked up in his chamber, from the day when your worships left, a very pretty woman, whose name is certainly Cornelia, for I have heard him call her so.” Plunged into a new embarrassment, Don Antonio would rather not have found the lady at all–for he could not but suppose it was she whom the page had shut up in his room–than have discovered her in such a place. Nevertheless, without saying a word, he ascended to the page’s chamber, but found the door fast, for the young man had gone out, and taken away the key. Don Antonio therefore put his lips to the keyhole, and said in a low voice, “Open the door, Signora Cornelia, and come down to receive your brother, and the duke, your husband, who are waiting to take you hence.”

A voice from within replied, “Are you making fun of me? It is certain that I am neither so ugly nor so old but that dukes and counts may very well be looking for me: but this comes of condescending to visit pages.” These words quite satisfied Don Antonio that it was not the Lady Cornelia who had replied.

At that moment Santisteban returned and went up to his chamber, where he found Don Antonio, who had just commanded that all the keys of the house should be brought, to see if any one of them would open the door. The page fell on his knees, and held up the key, exclaiming, “Have mercy on me, your worship: your absence, or rather my own villainy, made me bring this woman to my room; but I entreat your grace, Don Antonio, as you would have good news from Spain, that you suffer the fault I have committed to remain unknown to my master, Don Juan, if he be not yet informed of it; I will turn her out this instant.”

“What is the name of this woman?” inquired Don Antonio. “Cornelia,” replied Santisteban. Down stairs at once went the page who had discovered the hidden woman, and who was not much of a friend to Santisteban, and entered the room where sat the duke, Don Juan, and Lorenzo, and, either from simplicity or malice, began to talk to himself, saying, “Well caught, brother page! by Heaven they have made you give up your Lady Cornelia! She was well hidden, to be sure; and no doubt my gentleman would have liked to see the masters remain away that he might enjoy himself some three or four days longer.”

“What is that you are saying?” cried Lorenzo, who had caught a part of these words. “Where is the Lady Cornelia?” “She is above,” replied the page; and the duke, who supposed that his consort had just made her appearance, had scarcely heard the words before he rushed from the apartment like a flash of lightning, and, ascending the staircase at a bound, gained the chamber into which Don Antonio was entering.

“Where is Cornelia? where is the life of my life?” he exclaimed, as he hurried into the room.

“Cornelia is here,” replied a woman who was wrapped in a quilt taken from the bed with which she had concealed her face. “Lord bless us!” she continued, “one would think an ox had been stolen! Is it a new thing for a woman to visit a page, that you make such a fuss about it?”

Lorenzo, who had now entered the room, angrily snatched off the sheet and exposed to view a woman still young and not ill-looking, who hid her face in her hands for shame, while her dress, which served her instead of a pillow, sufficiently proved her to be some poor castaway.

The duke asked her, was it true her name was Cornelia? It was, she replied–adding, that she had very decent parents in the city, but that no one could venture to say, “Of this water I will never drink.”

The duke was so confounded by all he beheld, that he was almost inclined to think the Spaniards were making a fool of him; but, not to encourage so grievous a suspicion, he turned away without saying a word. Lorenzo followed him; they mounted their horses and rode off, leaving Don Juan and Don Antonio even more astonished and dismayed than himself.

The two friends now determined to leave no means untried, possible or impossible, to discover the retreat of the Lady Cornelia, and convince the duke of their sincerity and uprightness. They dismissed Santisteban for his misconduct, and turned the worthless Cornelia out of the house. Don Juan then remembered that they had neglected to describe to the duke those rich jewels wherein Cornelia carried her relics, with the agnus she had offered to them; and they went out proposing to mention that circumstance, so as to prove to Alfonso that the lady had, indeed, been in their care, and that if she had now disappeared, it was not by any fault of theirs.

They expected to find the duke in Lorenzo’s house; but the latter informed them that Alfonso had been compelled to leave Bologna, and had returned to Ferrara, having committed the search for Cornelia to his care. The friends having told him what had brought them, Lorenzo assured them that the duke was perfectly convinced of their rectitude in the matter, adding, that they both attributed the flight of Cornelia to her great fear, but hoped, and did not doubt, that Heaven would permit her re-appearance before long, since it was certain that the earth had not swallowed the housekeeper, the child, and herself.

With these considerations they all consoled themselves, determining not to make search by any public announcement, but secretly, since, with the exception of her cousin, no person was yet acquainted with the disappearance of Cornelia; and Lorenzo judged that a public search might prove injurious to his sister’s name among such as did not know the whole circumstances of the case, since the labour of effacing such suspicions as might arise would be infinite, and by no means certain of success.

The duke meanwhile continued his journey to Ferrara, and favouring Fortune, which was now preparing his happiness, led him to the village where dwelt that priest in whose house Cornelia, her infant, and the housekeeper, were concealed. The good Father was acquainted with the whole history, and Cornelia had begged his advice as to what it would be best for her to do. Now this priest had been the preceptor of the duke; and to his dwelling, which was furnished in a manner befitting that of a rich and learned clerk, the duke was in the habit of occasionally repairing from Ferrara, and would thence go to the chase, or amuse himself with the pleasant conversation of his host, and with the knowledge and excellence of which the good priest gave evidence in all he did or said.

The priest was not surprised to receive a visit from the duke, because, as we have said, it was not the first by many; but he was grieved to see him sad and dejected, and instantly perceived that his whole soul was absorbed in some painful thought. As to Cornelia, having been told that the duke was there, she was seized with renewed terror, not knowing how her misfortunes were to terminate. She wrung her hands, and hurried from one side of her apartment to the other, like a person who had lost her senses. Fain would the troubled lady have spoken to the priest, but he was in conversation with the Duke, and could not be approached. Alfonso was meanwhile saying to him, “I come to you, my father, full of sadness, and will not go to Ferrara to-day, but remain your guest; give orders for all my attendants to proceed to the city, and let none remain with me but Fabio.”

The priest went to give directions accordingly, as also to see that his own servants made due preparations; and Cornelia then found an opportunity for speaking to him. She took his two hands and said, “Ah, my father, and dear sir, what has the duke come for? for the love of God see what can be done to save me! I pray you, seek to discover what he proposes. As a friend, do for me whatever shall seem best to your prudence and great wisdom.”

The priest replied, “Duke Alfonso has come to me in deep sadness, but up to this moment he has not told me the cause. What I would have you now do is to dress this infant with great care, put on it all the jewels you have with you, more especially such as you may have received from the duke himself; leave the rest to me, and I have hope that Heaven is about to grant us a happy day.” Cornelia embraced the good man, and kissed his hand, and then retired to dress and adorn the babe, as he had desired.

The priest, meanwhile, returned to entertain the duke with conversation while his people were preparing their meal; and in the course of their colloquy he inquired if he might venture to ask him the cause of his grief, since it was easy to see at the distance of a league that, something gave him sorrow.

“Father,” replied the duke, “it is true that the sadness of the heart rises to the face, and in the eyes may be read the history of that which passes in the soul; but for the present I cannot confide the cause of my sorrow to any one.”

“Then we will not speak of it further, my lord duke,” replied the priest; “but if you were in a condition permitting you to examine a curious and beautiful thing, I have one to show you which I cannot but think would afford you great pleasure.”

“He would be very unwise,” returned Alfonso, “who, when offered a solace for his suffering, refuses to accept it. Wherefore show me what you speak of, father; the object is doubtless an addition to one of your curious collections, and they have all great interest in my eyes.”

The priest then rose, and repaired to the apartment where Cornelia was awaiting him with her son, whom she had adorned as he had suggested, having placed on him the relics and agnus, with other rich jewels, all gifts of the duke to the babe’s mother. Taking the infant from her hands, the good priest then went to the duke, and telling him that he must rise and come to the light of the window, he transferred the babe from his own arms into those of Alfonso, who could not but instantly remark the jewels; and perceiving that they were those which he had himself given to Cornelia, he remained in great surprise. Looking earnestly at the infant, meanwhile, he fancied he beheld his own portrait; and full of admiration, he asked the priest to whom the child belonged, remarking, that from its decorations and appearance one might take it to be the son of some princess.

“I do not know,” replied the priest, “to whom it belongs; all I can tell you is, that it was brought to me some nights since by a cavalier of Bologna, who charged me to take good care of the babe and bring it up heedfully, since it was the son of a noble and valiant father, and of a mother highly born as well as beautiful. With the cavalier there came also a woman to suckle the infant, and of her I have inquired if she knew anything of the parents, but she tells me that she knows nothing whatever; yet of a truth, if the mother possess but half the beauty of the nurse, she must be the most lovely woman in Italy.”

“Could I not see her?” asked the Duke. “Yes, certainly you may see her,” returned the priest. “You have only to come with me; and if the beauty and decorations of the child surprise you, I think the sight of the nurse cannot fail to produce an equal effect.”

The priest would then have taken the infant from the duke, but Alfonso would not let it go; he pressed it in his arms, and gave it repeated kisses; the good father, meanwhile, hastened forward, and bade Cornelia approach to receive the duke. The lady obeyed; her emotion giving so rich a colour to her face that the beauty she displayed seemed something more than human. The duke, on seeing her, remained as if struck by a thunderbolt, while she, throwing herself at his feet, sought to kiss them. The duke said not a word, but gave the infant to the priest, and hurried out of the apartment.

Shocked at this, Cornelia said to the priest, “Alas, dear father, have I terrified the duke with the sight of my face? am I become hateful to him? Has he forgot the ties by which he has bound himself to me? Will he not speak one word to me? Was his child such a burden to him that he has thus rejected him from his arm’s?”

To all these questions the good priest could give no reply, for he too was utterly confounded by the duke’s hasty departure, which seemed more like a flight than anything else.

Meanwhile Alfonso had but gone out to summon Fabio. “Ride Fabio, my friend,” he cried, “ride for your life to Bologna, and tell Lorenzo Bentivoglio that he must come with all speed to this place; let him make no excuse, and bid him bring with him the two Spanish gentlemen, Don Juan de Gamboa and Don Antonio de Isunza. Return instantly, Fabio, but not without them, for it concerns my life to see them here.”

Fabio required no further pressing, but instantly carried his master’s commands into effect. The duke returned at once to Cornelia, caught her in his arms, mingled his tears with hers, and kissed her a thousand times; and long did the fond pair remain thus silently locked in each other’s embrace, both speechless from excess of joy. The nurse of the infant and the dame, who proclaimed herself a Crivella, beheld all this from the door of the adjoining apartment, and fell into such ecstasies of delight that they knocked their heads against the wall, and seemed all at once to have gone out of their wits. The priest bestowed a thousand kisses on the infant, whom he held on one arm, while with his right hand he showered no end of benedictions on the noble pair. At length his reverence’s housekeeper, who had been occupied with her culinary preparations, and knew nothing of what had occurred, entered to notify to her master that dinner was on the table, and so put an end to this scene of rapture.

The duke then took his babe from the arms of the priest, and kept it in his own during the repast, which was more remarkable for neatness and good taste than for splendour. While they were at table, Cornelia related to the duke all that had occurred until she had taken refuge with the priest, by the advice of the housekeeper of those two Spanish gentlemen, who had protected and guarded her with such assiduous and respectful kindness. In return the duke related to her all that had befallen himself during the same interval; and the two housekeepers, who were present, received from him the most encouraging promises. All was joy and satisfaction, and nothing more was required for the general happiness, save the arrival of Lorenzo, Don Antonio, and Don Juan.

They came on the third day, all intensely anxious to know if the duke had received intelligence of Cornelia, seeing that Fabio, who did not know what had happened, could tell them nothing on that subject.

The duke received them alone in the antechamber, but gave no sign of gladness in his face, to their great grief and disappointment. Bidding them be seated, Alfonso himself sat down, and thus addressed Lorenzo:–

“You well know, Signor Lorenzo Bentivoglio, that I never deceived your sister, as my conscience and Heaven itself can bear witness; you know also the diligence with which I have sought her, and the wish I have felt to have my marriage with her celebrated publicly. But she is not to be found, and my word cannot so considered eternally engaged to a shadow. I am a young man, and am not so blasé as to leave ungathered such pleasures as I find on my path. Before I had ever seen Cornelia I had given my promise to a peasant girl of this village, but whom I was tempted to abandon by the superior charms of Cornelia, giving therein a great proof of my love for the latter, in defiance of the voice of my conscience. Now, therefore, since no one can marry a woman who does not appear, and it is not reasonable that a man should eternally run after a wife who deserts him, lest he should take to his arms one who abhors him, I would have you consider, Signor Lorenzo, whether I can give you any further satisfaction for an affront which was never intended to be one; and further, I would have you give me your permission to accomplish my first promise, and solemnise my marriage with the peasant girl, who is now in this house.”

While the duke spoke this, Lorenzo’s frequent change of colour, and the difficulty with which he forced himself to retain his seat, gave manifest proof that anger was taking possession of all his senses. The same feelings agitated Don Antonio and Don Juan, who were resolved not to permit the duke to fulfil his intention, even should they be compelled to prevent it by depriving him of life. Alfonso, reading these resolves in their faces, resumed: “Endeavour to calm yourself, Signor Lorenzo; and before you answer me one word, I will have you see the beauty of her whom I desire to take to wife, for it is such that you cannot refuse your consent, and it might suffice, as you will acknowledge, to excuse a graver error than mine.”

So saying, the duke rose, and repaired to the apartment where Cornelia was awaiting him in all the splendour of her beauty and rich decorations. No sooner was he gone than Don Juan also rose, and laying both hands on the arms of Lorenzo’s chair, he said to him, “By St. James of Galicia, by the true faith of a Christian, and by my honour as a gentleman, Signor Lorenzo, I will as readily allow the duke to fulfil his project as I will become a worshipper of Mahomed. Here, in this spot, he shall yield up his life at my hands, or he shall redeem the promise given to your sister, the lady Cornelia. At the least, he shall give us time to seek her; and until we know to a certainty that she is dead, he shall not marry.”

“That is exactly my own view,” replied Lorenzo. “And I am sure,” rejoined Don Juan, “that it will be the determination of my comrade, Don Antonio, likewise.”

While they were thus speaking, Cornelia appeared at the door between the duke and the priest, each of whom led her by one hand. Behind them came Sulpicia, her waiting woman, whom the duke had summoned from Ferrara to attend her lady, with the infant’s nurse, and the Spaniards’ housekeeper. When Lorenzo saw his sister, and had assured himself it was indeed Cornelia,–for at first the apparently impossible character of the occurrence had forbidden his belief,–he staggered on his feet, and cast himself at those of the duke, who, raising him, placed him in the arms of his delighted sister, whilst Don Juan and Don Antonio hastily applauded the duke for the clever trick he had played upon them all.

Alfonso then took the infant from Sulpicia, and, presenting it to Lorenzo, he said, “Signor and brother, receive your nephew, my son, and see whether it please you to give permission for the public solemnisation of my marriage with this peasant girl–the only one to whom I have ever been betrothed.”

To repeat the replies of Lorenzo would be never to make an end, and the rather if to these we added the questions of Don Juan, the remarks of Don Antonio, the expressions of delight uttered by the priest, the rejoicing of Sulpicia, the satisfaction of the housekeeper who had made herself the counsellor of Cornelia, the exclamations of the nurse, and the astonishment of Fabio, with the general happiness of all.

The marriage ceremony was performed by the good priest, and Don Juan de Gamboa gave away the bride; but it was agreed among the parties that this marriage also should be kept secret, until he knew the result of the malady under which the duchess-dowager was labouring; for the present, therefore, it was determined that Cornelia should return to Bologna with her brother. All was done as thus agreed on; and when the duchess-dowager died, Cornelia made her entrance into Ferrara, rejoicing the eyes of all who beheld her: the mourning weeds were exchanged for festive robes, the two housekeepers were enriched, and Sulpicia was married to Fabio. For Don Antonio and Don Juan, they were sufficiently rewarded by the services they had rendered to the duke, who offered them two of his cousins in marriage, with rich dowries. But they replied, that the gentlemen of the Biscayan nation married for the most part in their own country; wherefore, not because they despised so honourable a proffer, which was not possible, but that they might not depart from a custom so laudable, they were compelled to decline that illustrious alliance, and the rather as they were still subject to the will of their parents, who had, most probably, already affianced them.

The duke admitted the validity of their excuses, but, availing himself of occasions warranted by custom and courtesy, he found means to load the two friends with rich gifts, which he sent from time to time to their house in Bologna. Many of these were of such value, that although they might have been refused for fear of seeming to receive a payment, yet the appropriate manner in which they were presented, and the particular periods at which Alfonso took care that they should arrive, caused their acceptance to be easy, not to say inevitable; such, for example, were those despatched by him at the moment of their departure for their own country, and those which he gave them when they came to Ferrara to take their leave of him.

At this period, the Spanish gentlemen found Cornelia the mother of two little girls, and the duke more enamoured of his wife than ever. The duchess gave the diamond cross to Don Juan, and the gold agnus to Don Antonio, both of whom had now no choice but to accept them. They finally arrived without accident in their native Spain, where they married rich, noble, and beautiful ladies; and they never ceased to maintain a friendly correspondence with the duke and duchess of Ferrara, and with Lorenzo Bentivoglio, to the great satisfaction of all parties.

 

THE END OF THE LADY CORNELIA.

References

References
1 Cardinal Albornoz founded a college in the University of Bologna, expressly for the Spaniards, his countrymen.
2 A gesture of contempt or playfulness, as the case may be, and which consists in a certain twist of the fingers and thumb.
3 The original is benditos, which sometimes means simpleton, but is here equivalent to the Italian beato, and must be rendered as in the text.
4 Albricias: “Largess!” “Give reward for good tidings.”

Confusion of Confusions, by Jose de la Vega (1688)

Jose or Joseph Penso de la Vega, best known as Joseph de la Vega (ca. 1650 — Amsterdam, November 13, 1692), was a Sephardi Jewish merchant in diamonds, financial expert, moral philosopher and poet, residing in 17th century Amsterdam. He became famous for his masterpiece Confusion of Confusions. Vega’s work is the first study written about the Amsterdam Stock Exchange and its participants, the shareholders. In a stilted style he describes the whole gamut, running from options (puts and calls), futures contracts, margin buying, to bull and bear conspiracies, even some form of stock-index trading. The publication of Confusion de Confusiones helped lay the foundations for modern fields of technical analysis and behavioral finance.

The book is written in Spanish; its original title is Confusion de Confusiones. It was printed in Amsterdam, but published in Antwerp. Although not a descriptive account of the process of stock trading, Joseph presented the history of speculation in stocks, ducatons and acquainted the reader with the sophisticated financial instruments used. The dialogue format allowed the reader to understand the respective perspectives of the various market participants and the intricacies of speculation and trading.

Joseph  came up with four basic rules of the share market that are still of the greatest relevance today.

The first rule in speculation is: Never advise anyone to buy or sell shares. Where guessing correctly is a form of witchcraft, counsel cannot be put on airs.

The second rule: Accept both your profits and regrets. It is best to seize what comes to hand when it comes, and not expect that your good fortune and the favorable circumstances will last.

The third rule: Profit in the share market is goblin treasure: at one moment, it is carbuncles, the next it is coal; one moment diamonds, and the next pebbles. Sometimes, they are the tears that Aurora leaves on the sweet morning’s grass, at other times, they are just tears.

The fourth rule: He who wishes to become rich from this game must have both money and patience.

Confusion de Confusiones remained little known until the German economist Richard Ehrenberg published an influential essay in the 1892 Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik, “Die Amsterdame Aktienspekulation un 17. Jarhhundert.”

In his honour, the Federation of European Securities Exchanges (FESE) awards since 2000 the annual De La Vega Prize to “young European researchers who distinguish themselves by outstanding research on the securities markets in Europe“.

In English, you can download Portions Descriptive of the Amsterdam Stock Exchange Selected and Translated by Professor Hermann Kellenbenz (2013)

In Spanish, see this 2013 version in modern Spanish, introduction and notes by Ricardo A. Fornero, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo (Mendoza, Argentina): you can download it here.

Original version in Spanish in archive.org

Recently, December 2021, professor Carmen Baños gave a lecture about Confusio of Confusions in Fundacion Gustavo Bueno that can be seen online.

Invertebrate Spain, by Jose Ortega y Gasset (1921)

This year 2021 we celebrate the centenary of the publication of Invertebrate Spain, by Jose Ortega y Gasset (1921). It was translated into English in 1937 by Mildred Adams (1894-1980).

Download Invertebrate Spain in English:

A collection of essays from one of Spain’s leading intellectuals. They were first published in 1921 with a fourth edition appearing in 1934, and form an analysis of the many ills from which the author sees his country to be suffering.

The conclusions he arrives at are as gloomy as the future which he sees to be inevitable. It is indeed remarkable how the events of 1936 have justified his fears of 1921. But one cannot help a feeling of surprise that the author, having shown that he possessed such a clear realisation of the dangers that beset his country, should have made no attempt to suggest a way out.

Essayist and philosopher, a thinker influential in and out of the Spanish world, Jose Ortega y Gasset was professor of metaphysics at the University of Madrid from 1910 until the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936. The Revolt of the Masses, his most famous work, owes much to post-Kantian schools of thought. Ortega’s predominant thesis is the need of an intellectual aristocracy governing in a spirit of enlightened liberalism. Although Franco, after his victory in the civil war, offered to make Ortega Spain’s “official philosopher” and to publish a deluxe edition of his works, with certain parts deleted, the philosopher refused. Instead, he chose the life of a voluntary exile in Argentina, and in 1941 he was appointed professor of philosophy at the University of San Marcos in Lima, Peru.

He returned to Spain in 1945 and died in Madrid. Ortega’s reformulation of the Cartesian cogito displays the fulcrum of his thought. While Rene Descartes declared “Cogito ergo sum” (I think, therefore I am), Ortega maintained “Cogito quia vivo” (I think because I live). He subordinated reason to life, to vitality. Reason becomes the tool of people existing biologically in a given time and place, rather than an overarching sovereign. Ortega’s philosophy consequently discloses affinities in its metaphysics to both American pragmatism and European existentialism in spite of its elitism in social philosophy.

Read Invertebrate Spain, in Spanish, first edition of 1921, in this link.

Liberalism and Communism, by Gregorio Marañón (1937)

Dr. Gregorio Marañón (1887-1960) author of this remarkable article, was a member of the Spanish Academy. Physician, biologist and essayist, he collaborated with Ortega y Gasset and Pérez de Ayala in forming a republican association, which was spreading in Spain a year before the fall of the monarchy. Dr. Marañón’s republicanism, therefore, stands in no need of proof and this gives an added significance to the article in which the author explains why most of the Spanish Liberals were hostile to the Republican Government in 1937.

His article ‘Liberalism and Communism’ has the subtitle ‘The Background of the Spanish Civil War’ but it is much more than that. It was written in Paris for the Revue de Paris, first published on 15 December 1937. It also appeared in the Argentine newspaper La Nación (3 January 1938). Final version was published in Punta Europa magazine, n. 55-56, Madrid, 1960.

Dr. Marañón, on spite of his support to the Spanish republican government, had to exile from Madrid in the middle of the civil war.

Link to the Spanish version Liberalismo y Comunismo (1937)

From his book Liberal Essays, 1947:

Being a liberal is precisely these two things: first, being willing to get along with someone who thinks otherwise; and second, never admit that the end justifies the means but, on the contrary, it is the means that justify the end. Liberalism is, then, a conduct and, therefore, much more than a policy. And, as such behavior, it does not require professions of faith but to exercise it, in a natural way, without exhibiting it or showing it off. One must be liberal without realizing it, how one is clean, or how, instinctively, we resist lying

Some of the key ideas from Dr. Marañón in this article:

“The Spanish liberal […] had underneath his liberalism an attitude which was profoundly anti-liberal, for the simple reason that it was tinted red.” (p. 6)

“[…] the fact that the Right parties won the elections was made the pretext for a revolutionary bid for power in October, 1934. This is forgotten abroad where there is no special reason to remember the details even of recent Spanish history. Spaniards, who have not forgotten are amused at the puritanical horror of those who were prepared to make a revolution against perfectly legal elections, but who are shocked because a section of the people and the army rose in turn against the violences of the new power, such as the murder of the Leader of the Opposition by three police officers.” (p. 10)

“The characteristic of this Liberal—the false and far the most numerous type—is his infinite fear of not appearing Liberal. […] The immense social prestige of Liberalism explains and is felt to justify this attitude. […] According to current ideas, not to be a Liberal is to be deficient in intelligence, for, as a matter of fact, a large number of men famous for their creative work were Liberals or at least had minds tinctured with Liberal toleration. Not to be Liberal signifies moreover to be “an enemy of the people,” a phrase created by the French Revolution, which still maintains all its prestige in many minds. And that means, too, not to be modern, because many conquests of civilization have been made under the banner of Liberty. But Liberty has no fixed colour. It is not a question of ideas but of conduct. What a terrible mistake to have turned it not only into a question of politics but into one of class politics!” (p.15)

“The necessity of taking account of regional characteristics in Spain has always seemed to me to be biological rather than political. Having said this I must point out that the error which has been made is to confuse the noble reality of regionalism with separatism. The national sentiment of
Spain is made up of a regional spirit which is, in its turn, an extension of the Spanish family sense. That sense, so far from being enfeebled, provides regionalism with its sap and vigour. In any village in America, no less than in Madrid or in Barcelona, Spaniards meet as representatives of provinces in their regional centres like large families which hardly rub shoulders with others. But faced with the nation in danger they all unite, animated by the same zeal and perhaps the common peril will result in creating a sort of union.” (p. 18)

“Two months before the Spanish Revolution began, I wrote in an article which appeared in several European and American newspapers that if the Spanish Popular Front, which had just been formed, failed to give to its ideology and to its action a profoundly national direction, it would provoke a rising in Spain. There was no particular merit in this prediction, for
on all hands one could observe the hostility of Spaniards in face of the notoriously Russian tactics of the pre-Revolutionary agitations, which were never sanctioned by our governments. The most important fact bearing on this, which nobody noted, was the attitude of the young people at the Universities who supplied the force of the Liberal shock movement against the dictatorship and the leaven of the agitation which paved the way for a change of regime. From the third year of the Republic it began to change its orientation […] Today 80 per cent, of the students are fighting as volunteers in the Nationalist ranks. Many of them were brought up in a Liberal environment and belonged at the outset of their studies to Liberal and even Socialist and Communist Students’ organisations. There are many young people, then almost children, whom we knew in prison during the dictatorship, who are today heroes, living or dead, of the anti-Marxist cause. What has changed them is undoubtedly the anti-Spanish character of the Popular Front propaganda.” (p. 19 -20)

The following RTVE documentary “Gregorio Marañón. Doctor, humanist and liberal” (in Spanish) was produced in 2010 by the State Society for Cultural Commemorations on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of his death. An occasion to get closer to a key man of our time. An eminent physician, brilliant writer, and illustrious intellectual.

 

Antonio Pérez, Spanish traitor, by Gregorio Marañón

The story of Philip II‘s Secretary of State is one of the most exciting in all of Spanish national history. Antonio Pérez (1534–1611), at the top of the Spanish Empire and on top of his personal power, decided to betray his king and his homeland.

On 28 July 1579 Antonio Pérez and the Princess of Éboli, his lover and also traitor to Philip, were arrested by order of the king. It was just the starting of a long and incredible process. On 19 April 1590, Antonio Perez fled Castille to find refuge in Aragon in a time where both kingdoms had different laws and rules. At the end, he was able to escape and exile in France and England where he survived many plots to kill him, until his dead in Paris in 1611. King Philip died in 1598; and the wife and children of Antonio Pérez, who were still imprisoned in Madrid, were set free.

Antonio Pérez heavily contributed to the Spanish black legend that has grown around Philip II by deteriorating the Spanish image with its book titled Pedaços de Historia o Relacionesprinted in England by Richard Field.

In 1947, Gregorio Marañón published a biography of Antonio Pérez and separately the same year, the documentary work Los procesos de Castilla contra Antonio Pérez (The Judicial Processes of Castile Against Antonio Pérez). Both are in Spanish and were republished in a single volume in 1970 as volume VI of its complete works. Yet, these are, probably, the most complete works documenting the life of Antonio Pérez.

(Spanish)

This biography was translated into English in 1954 by Charles David Ley and is available to read online.

(English)

This story is far more amazing than any fictional thriller or movie based on medieval power struggles. It goes like this: political struggles, religious wars, power battles, economic struggles, sex with royals, intrigues with popes, bastards conquering kingdoms… what else? In short, everything that has already been seen in TV series and much more.

Main characters: Philip II, Juan de Austria, William of Orange, Henry IV of France, Pope Paul III, Elizabeth I, Earl of Essex, William Cecil, Duke of Alba, Alexander Farnese Duke of Parma, Pope Julius III… and many more.

The Spaniards in History, by Ramon Menendez Pidal (1950)

Translated with a prefatory essay on the author’s work by Walter Starkie, corresponding member of the Royal Spanish Academy.

In 1935, Ramon Menéndez Pidal (1869-1968) began to edit his monumental Historia de España (“History of Spain”). This work, made in 42 tomes in 65 volumes, was directed since 1975 by José María Jover Zamora. More than 400 Spanish and foreign authors have collaborated and contributed to this History of Spain.

As an introduction to volume 1, in 1947 Pidal wrote Los españoles en la Historia (The Spaniards in their history: an analysis of Spain’s national characteristics). This title was translated into English with an important change: ‘their history’ instead of ‘the History’. In his original title, Pidal meant ‘the Spaniards in the history of mankind’, which is quite different and more powerful than ‘the Spaniards in their history’.

Published as a separate book, sometimes with the addition of another essay entitled Los españoles en la literatura (The Spaniards in Literature), it was highly successful and was soon translated into several languages.

The translation here was published in London in 1950 by Walter Starkie, with a prefatory essay on Pidal’s work.

The following is a review by Samuel P. Perry, Jr., The Annals of the American Academy, 1951:

This essay is a brief analysis made by Pidal of certain Spanish intangible such as material and moral austerity (pp. 119-137), individualism (pp. 146-176), and the effects upon the individual Spaniard of centralization and regionalism (pp. 177-203). In his treatment of the Spanish individualism Pidal is careful to concentrate his thoughts upon the Spanish sense of justice, equity, and arbitrariness. His historical parallelisms are drawn from past history. This is especially true in the citation of the careful selection by Ferdinand and Isabella of administrative personnel (pp. 157-164). In brief, the choice of simple criteria lends strength to the central thesis that cultural, intellectual, and political unity is dependent upon an understanding of the historical past, as well as of the intangibles of the Spanish national character.

The central thesis is further strengthened in the author’s dispassionate consideration of the two Spains and the influence of foreign cultures upon Spanish intellectualism and the resultant ill-considered domestic intellectual censorship and isolation. Pidal himself feels inclined to reflect: The individual will again win back his right which allow him to disagree, to rectify and invent afresh, for it is to the individual that we owe all the great deeds of history. To suppress those who think differently and crush projects for what our brothers believe to be a better life, is to sin against prudence. And even in questions where one side sees itself in possession of the absolute truth as against the error of the other side, it is not right to smother all manifestations of error (as it is impossible to suppress the side itself), for then we should reach the demoralizing situation of living without any opposition, and there is no worse enemy than not to have one (p. 244).

Pidal’s documentation might have been more ample with cross references to English texts dealing with those periods of Spanish history from which the historical perspective is drawn. It is reasonable to assume that the author did not intend for this book to be considered the last word in analytical studies of national characteristics.

However, the views presented cannot be ignored in the attempt to arrive at any logical conclusion relative to the Spanish political and cultural destiny.

Read The Spaniards in their history, by Ramon Menendez Pidal online