Fray Diego Duran, Book of the Gods and Rites (1579)

[Versión en español de este post]

Along with the work of fray Bernardino de Sahagún, Historia de la conquista de la Nueva España (published in 1585), the work of Diego Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano (manuscript completed in 1581, published in 1867), is a source of deep admiration for all those who wish to know what the encounter between the Mexica and European civilizations was like, what the life and values of the peoples who inhabited Central America were like, and how they lived through the conquest and their struggle to defend their civilization, its subsequent loss and the formation of a new mestizo culture.

Fray Diego Durán’s manuscript is composed of three parts: the history “of the Mexican nation and its exploits and the disastrous luck it had and its end” (1581), the book of the gods or “history and relation of the rites and sacrifices” (1579) and the ancient calendar (1579). It seems that Fray Diego Durán chose this order in his manuscript, although the chronological order is the one indicated in parentheses (see article, p.233). The quotation marks reflect the way in which the author referred to each of the parts of the manuscript (volume II, p. 60 ed. 1880 by Ramirez and volume I, p. 485 ed. 1867, respectively). It is usually published in two volumes, with the second and third parts grouped in volume two.

Fray Diego Durán’s work is fundamental in three key aspects: 1) it is a key work for the knowledge of the pre-Hispanic Nahuatl world, 2) it documents the process of evangelization of Mexico at the end of the 16th century and, above all, 3) it constructs a historical explanation of the role of America and its inhabitants in the history of the world, as well as the justification of the Spanish conquest.

In relation to this third point, the key ideas that Durán expounds, trying to connect the stories told to him by elderly informants in New Spain with the Bible, are the following:

  • The peoples who inhabited these lands before the arrival of the Spaniards are of Hebrew origin and descend from the 10 tribes of Israel and their diaspora throughout all regions of the Earth.
  • God sent Saint Thomas (Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl) to evangelize these peoples and to lead them back from the idolatry in which they had fallen.
  • Tetzcatlipoca rose up against Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl and his followers and in the subsequent wars the Toltec civilization (Tula) fell and Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl was defeated.
  • After his expulsion, Saint Thomas-Topiltzin-Quetzalcoatl prophesied his return and the arrival of other men from the east, the defeat of the demon Tetzcatlipoca and his descendants, the subjugation of his lands and a second evangelizing work of which Durán himself was a part.

The work of fray Diego Durán has been immersed in a historiographical debate called ‘Chronicle X’ initiated in 1945 by Robert Barlow in his conference entitled The ‘Chronicle X’: Colonial Versions of the Mexica Tenochca History. Barlow laid the foundations for establishing the structural linkage of five sources:

  1. The volume corresponding to History from Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano by fray Diego Durán (1581),
  2. Historia de la venida de los indios a poblar a México de las partes remotas de Occidente los sucesos y perigrinaciones del camino a su gobierno, ídolos y templos de ellos, ritos, ceremonias y calendarios de los tiempos, also known as «Tovar Manuscript», de Juan de Tovar (1585),
  3. Relación del origen de los indios que habitan esta Nueva España según sus historias, known as «Codex Ramirez» (1588),
  4. Book VII from Historia natural y moral de las Indias by José de Acosta (1590) and
  5. Crónica mexicana by Hernando Alvarado Tezozomoc (1598).

(*) For the publication dates of the five books in parentheses, see Luis Leal, The Codex Ramirez.

According to Robert Barlow’s opinion of 1945, the works numbers 2, 3 and 4 would not be but variants of a short version of Durán’s work, with which the problem was reduced to find the unique source from which the works of Durán and Tezozomoc would have originated. Barlow called this supposedly lost work Chronicle X and considered that it must have been written in the Nahuatl language, by an indigenous writer, between 1536 and 1539, and that it was accompanied by drawings.

In fact, Durán’s work includes multiple references to a ‘history’ that served as the basis for his manuscript, for example this mention in chapter 44 of volume I: ‘Given that he who translates any history is no longer obliged to return in romance what he finds in a strange language written, as I do in this one’ and in chapter 67 of volume I: ‘The exequies began, without further ado, which exequies and ceremonies I leave already told in the chapters behind where they can be seen, although to refer to them here I consider it prolixity; and so I will go ahead, given that the history takes them to be told here at length’.

In 1953, Luis Leal established the following conclusions in his article The Codex Ramirez:

Around 1573, King Philip II sent a dispatch from New Spain to write to the Council what was found worthy of being known about the customs, rites and ceremonies of the ancient Mexicans. Upon receiving the King’s dispatch, Viceroy Martín Enríquez ordered to gather the paintings and other documents that the Indians of Mexico, Texcoco and Tula had in their possession. He sent the papers to Father Tovar, asking him to write a report to send to the King. With the help of the Indians, Tovar interpreted the paintings and wrote between 1573 and 1575 a “well-accomplished” history. Of this account, sent to the King with Dr. Portillo, no copy was left in Mexico, and to this day its whereabouts are unknown.

Using the same paintings of the Indians, Father Durán wrote an extensive history on the same subject, ending his work in 1581. He died seven years later, without seeing his work published; his papers passed into the hands of Tovar.

By 1586 Father Acosta was in Mexico, and by the following year we find him back in Spain. Before leaving, maybe he asked Father Tovar to write him something about the antiquities of the Mexicans. Tovar, using Fr. Duran’s manuscript, since he could no longer consult the paintings of the Indians, wrote around 1588 a “Historia mexicana”, sent to Spain to Fr. Acosta and included, in 1590, in book VII of his Historia natural y moral.

The manuscript sent to Acosta, or a copy taken from it, ended up in England, where the first 26 folios were published in an edition edited by Thomas Phillipps (London, 1860).

There is no doubt that a copy of this second history of Father Tovar was left in Mexico, since Torquemada mentions it in his Monarquía indiana (1615). However, this copy remained in oblivion until 1856, year in which Don José Fernando Ramírez discovered it by chance. The first complete edition appeared in 1878, together with the Mexican Chronicle of Alvarado Tezozomoc, another work that had remained unpublished, and which was also taken from the same paintings that Tovar and Durán had in their hands.

In our opinion, the Codex Ramirez does not have the importance attributed to it by Orozco y Berra and Chavero; it is less important, it seems to us, than the Historia del P. Durán and the aforementioned Crónica mexicana de Alvarado Tezozomoc, more extensive and better documented works. On the other hand, the Codex Ramirez was, of the three works, the first to make known, through the Historia natural y moral of Father Acosta, the true history of the ancient Mexicans.

The first mention we have of Duran’s work is found in Historia de la fundación y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de México, de la Orden de predicatores, por las vidas de sus varones insignes y casos notables de Nueva España, by fray Agustín Dávila Padilla, page 651, second edition published in Brussels in 1625 (first edition Madrid 1596):

F. Diego Duran, son of Mexico, wrote two books, one of history, and another of antiquities of the Mexican Indians, the most curious thing that in this matter has been seen. He lived very ill and his works did not shine, although part of them are already printed in the Natural Philosophy of Father Joseph Acosta, to whom Father Juan de Tovar, who lives in the College of the Company of Mexico, gave them. This father died in the year 1588.

The debate on the hypothesis of an initial manuscript written in Nahuatl has not yet reached a solid conclusion. This article by Clementina Battcock is very interesting: La Crónica X: sus interpretaciones y propuestas (2018).

More information:

Fray Diego Duran, Book of Gods and Rites (1579)
(since the 19th century, the editions of Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, includes this work as volume two of the History or after chapter 78, last chapter of the History)

Prologue (from Book of the gods and rites and The ancient calendar, 1971, translated by Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden)

I am moved, O Christian reader, to begin the task of [writing this work] with the realization that we who have been chosen to instruct the Indians will never reveal the True God to them until the heathen ceremonies and false cults of their counterfeit deities are extinguished, erased. Here I shall set down a written account of the ancient idolatries and false religion with which the devil was worshiped until the Holy Gospel was brought to this land. Fields of grain and fruit trees do not prosper on uncultivated rocky soil, covered with brambles and brush, unless all roots and stumps are eradicated.

This becomes clear when we study the characteristics of our Catholic Faith. Since it is one, one Church, adoring one True God, it can not coexist with any other religion or belief in other gods. Any other human belief opposed to the Faith loses the quality of the Faith itself, and though this [individual] believes in the Catholic Faith, he is deceived in as much as his belief is based not on Christian but on human faith. Perhaps he was influenced by hearsay. Thus the Moslem believes in his religion, and the Jew in his. We should take [their condition] into consideration: since idolatry has not been totally erased from their minds, they mix the Christian Faith with heathen beliefs. Thus the Faith among them is superficial; though they come to confession and believe in the One God, they would accept ten if someone came around telling them there are ten.

Among the causes [of this situation] is the lack of a firm basis in the Catholic Faith. To these people it is only a“human” faith; and though this may not be blamed on their unpreparedness and uncouthness, the latter may be partly responsible for their laxity in the Faith. Let us consider, however, that in Spain there are people as uncouth and coarse, or almost so—for example, the people of some parts of Castile, toward Sayago, Las Batuecas, and other corners of provinces where men’s minds are extraordinarily brutish and rude (especially in matters of religious instruction), much more so than these natives. At least the latter are taught catechism every Sunday and holy day, and receive the Gospel. The former, though in many villages, never hear a sermon in their lives. You may encounter one (who has spent his entire life in the country) who finds it impossible to distinguish or know anything about the size of a star. He will say, “It is like a nut,” and, “The moon is like a cheese.” Nevertheless, in spite of his coarseness, this man will allow himself to be torn to pieces defending a single article of the Faith. If you ask him, “Why is God One and also a Trinity?” he will answer, “Because that is the way it is.” And if you ask him, “Why are there Three Persons in the Trinity and not four?” he will answer, “Why not?” And these two answers, “That is the way it is,” and, “why not?” satisfy all their doubts and questions regarding the Faith, since they believe firmly what their parents taught them and what is believed and sustained by our Holy Mother the Church.

By this I argue that [the Spaniards] hold the Faith and its foundations firmly and that these [Indians] are easily swayed, prone to doubts, and will believe any doctrine. If a thousand dogmas were preached, they would believe all of them. By this I also argue that the foundations of the Faith [in Mexico] are not firm, and it behooves us to enlighten the people. Every year we hear their confessions during Lent, and again they learn through the priests; then they go away, forgetting it immediately.

What I have said about religious belief makes it clear that he who believes in a false deity does not believe in God; this can be said about men of all the nations of the world. But the case of the Indians is a special one, more so than of the other nations, since these people are poorer in spirit and the least prone to abandon their way of life and rites. Though some may feel and realize that what they believed in pagan times was false, natural fear and cowardice impede them from giving up these things. I affirm this for I see that not only in the Divine Cult but in earthly things [the Indians] are cowardly and fearful. Instead of hiring themselves out to a Spaniard, earning three reals a week, they prefer to go from market to market, trading things which are hardly worth twenty cacao beans. They will offer the Spaniard four reals to be given their liberty in order to return to their little houses or huts. Occasionally they will work four days of the week, and on Friday, or even Saturday, in order to escape from the Spaniard, they will flee, leaving their pay behind. I have observed these things for a long time and have wondered how to explain them. From long experience in observing the toil and afflictions [of the Indians], I find a common and universal cause: their spirit has been so hurt, so crippled, that they live in fear. They look upon everything unfamiliar or unknown as something harmful and fearful to them. They are like wild animals which, when hunted, are intimidated by everything and forced into flight.

This may be the result of their inborn wretchedness and the lowly condition nature gave them or of their gloomy, melancholy, and earthy constitution or the result of social conditions under which they lived. In part these people were well organized and polished, but on the other hand they were tyrannical and cruel, filled with the shadows of retributions and death. They were seldom loyal to one another for fear of punishment. And after the Faith arrived, the shadows grew beyond measure. From that time on [these people] have been afflicted with nothing but death, toil, trouble, and anguish. All these things helped to break their spirit, to intimidate them to the point that they distrust us, do not believe us. They will not tell us things they knew about the lives of their ancestors. Regarding the worship of God and the receiving of the Sacraments, they dare not listen to God himself or seek the salvation of their souls because of their fears. Thus many of them never go to confession, afraid that the confessor will scold; others fear to receive the Eucharist, afraid of the obligations which will be imposed upon them to sin no longer. This is their condition in spite of the commands [of our priests].

And these are my conclusions: [the Indians] will never find God until the roots have been torn out, together with that which smacks of the ancestral religion. Thus the practice of the Faith is corrupted where there remain survivals of the cult and faith in another god. These people are reluctant to abandon things familiar to them. While the memory [of the old religion] lasts, they will turn to it, like those who find themselves illor in need. While they call on God, they also seek out sorcerers, shamans who laugh at [Christianity], and then return to the superstitions, idolatries, and omens of their forebears. I have seen these things; I understand them. If we are trying earnestly to remove the memory of Amalech, we shall never succeed until we fully understand the ancient religion. In my humble judgment, therefore, I believe there is nothing in the world so barren as a man who lives out his entire life attempting to grasp something he does not understand, who feels no need of penetrating the roots of heathen beliefs of ancient times, who vainly strives to prevent these frail and weak people from mixing their old and superstitious rites with our Divine Law and Christian Religion. The ancient beliefs are still so numerous, so complex, so similar to our own in many cases that one overlaps the other. Occasionally we suspect that they are playing, adoring idols, casting lots regarding future events in our very presence—yet we do not fully understand these things. We believe they do [Christian] penance and practice certain absentions. But [they] always had their own sacraments and a divine cult which in many ways coincides with our own religion, as we shall see during the course of this work.

Those who with fervent zeal (though with little prudence) in the beginning burned and destroyed all the ancient Indian pictographic documents were mistaken. They left us without a light to guide us—to the point that the Indians worship idols in our presence, and we understand nothing of what goes on in their dances, in their market places, in their bathhouses, in the songs they chant (when they lament their ancient gods and lords), in their repasts and banquets; these things mean nothing to us. Heathenism and idolatry are present everywhere: in sowing, in reaping, in storing grain, even in plowing the earth and in building houses; in wakes and funerals, in weddings and births (especially if the child is the offspring of a nobleman, when complex rites are performed).

The most elaborate rites were found in the celebration of the feasts. And everything was associated with heathenism and idolatry, even bathing in the river. Elders were often offended with the community if certain acts were not accompanied by ceremonial.

All these things are concealed from us, kept as a tightly guarded secret. The task of discovering and making them known is overwhelming. He who attempts [to do so] will soon discover this, and of a thousand other customs [he will be lucky if he discovers] one half.

Let our priests who toil in missionary work take note of the grave error in ignoring these things; the Indians will make mockery of the Faith, and the minister will remain in the dark. I have experienced some of these things in recent times. I have discovered a number of sly tricks which no one had paid any attention to.

He who wishes to read this book will find an account of all the main gods worshiped in ancient times by these ignorant and blind people, with the rites and ceremonies performed in the entire land and in the Province of Mexico. He will find the count of the days, months, weeks, and years and the manner and dates on which the festivals were celebrated. All this is meant as an instruction which the curious reader will discover in this book, written with that aim. If the fruits [of my work] are meager, my intention and zeal in presenting it are not.

Fray Diego Duran, Prologue to the Book of the Gods and Rites (1579)

Historia de la conquista de la Nueva España, de Fray Bernardino de Sahagún (1585)

On the fifth centenary of the arrival of Hernán Cortés to the Aztec empire, it is worth remembering one of the key books that tells the events that changed the world forever. And this one from the aztec point of view: the book of Fray Bernardino de Sahagún (1499-1590) entitled History of the conquest of New Spain or Book XII of the General History of the things of New Spain.

Book XII

This General History was the result of a long compilation process carried out between 1547 and 1585, initiated shortly after the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards. It is also known as the Florentine Codex, since a version is in the Medicea Laurenziana Library of Florence, Italy. The complete codex can be consulted online at the World Digital Library (WDL)

But approaching this work requires first knowing the process of its elaboration and understanding how it has reached us, since it is about a complex document which offers a variety of information about Mexica culture in Náhuatl, Spanish, and Latin. It also contains pictographical images and ornaments which unite elements of precolonial writing with glyphs and European paintings. It is considered the result of a complicated transculturation process.

The Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España or General history of the things of New Spain is an encyclopedic work about the people and culture of the Aztec empire compiled by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, a Franciscan missionary who arrived in Mexico in 1529, eight years after the Spanish conquest by Hernán Cortés.

Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, circa 1499

The General history went through several stages between 1535 and 1585, and between Tlatelolco, Tepepulco, and Mexico City. The communicative interactions between Sahagún and the nahua elders he decided to interrogate were always mediated by a group of literate nahua, proud heirs of the legacy of their own people and proficient participants in the cultural tradition inculcated into them by the Franciscans fathers at the College of the Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco, established by the Spaniards in 1536.

Although Sahagún compiled two substantial náhuatl texts (which became Book VI ‘Rhetorical and moral philosophy’ and Book XII ‘History of the Conquest’ of the Florentine Codex) some years earlier, it was not until 1558 that he was officially commissioned by the Provincial of his order, Fray Francisco de Toral, to undertake a systematic investigation of the native culture by compiling in náhuatl what would be “useful for the indoctrination, the propagation and perpetuation of the Christianization of these natives of this New Spain, and as a help to the workers and ministers who indoctrinate them”

Thus, in 1558 Fray Bernardino settled in the convent of Tepepulco, today Tepeapulco in the state of Hidalgo, where with informants of the indigenous nobility he produced, between 1558 and 1561, his first handwritten works of the General History of the things of New Spain.

General History of the things of New Spain

Tepepulco materials, Náhuatl texts and paintings, were called by the great Mexican scholar Francisco del Paso y Troncoso First memorials. There are 88 folios that Paso y Troncoso selected and ordered from the so-called Códices matritenses (because there are in Madrid, at the Royal Palace Library and the Royal Academy of History) for its 1905 edition, with such a good feel that they are still being edited in the same way.

Between 1565 and 1569, already in the convent of San Francisco de México, Sahagún completes his General history in nine books and four volumes. The following years, 1569-1570, will be the most bitter in the life of Sahagun. The Provincial Chapter of his Order, to which he submits his writings, decides that they are “highly esteemed and should be favored” but, at the same time, he takes away his scribes. He himself, over seventy years old, can no longer write because of the trembling of his hands. And shortly after, the provincial Fray Alonso de Escalona (1570-3) disperses the writings of Fray Bernardino through the Franciscan convents of the Province of Mexico. Despite these obstacles, Sahagun managed, to continue his work.

By 1575 Sahagún recovers his manuscripts and, thanks to the interest shown by Juan de Ovando, president of the Council of the Indies, the new commissioner of the Order, Fray Rodrigo de Sequera, again provides Sahagún with scribes who are compiling the texts in Náhuatl and which dictates the Spanish text of its General history of the things of New Spain, which extracts and comments on the materials provided by the Indian informants.

However, from the year 1577, Philip II and with it the Council of the Indies, already dead Ovando, changed their position regarding the research on indigenous cultures: they were considered dangerous as they spread pagan ideas and encouraged rebel and independence spirit. This change in the treatment of indigenous cultures motivated the order of Philip II to confiscate the book of Sahagún.

It then was taken to Spain by Fray Rodrigo de Sequera. The work was bound in four volumes but later rebound into three. Each volume is arranged in two columns: on the right is the original Náhuatl text, on the left is Sahagún’s Spanish translation. The 2,468 magnificent illustrations, made by the students, are mostly in the left-hand column, where the text is shorter. The illustrations combine the syntactic and symbolic traits of the ancient Nahua tradition of painting-writing with the formal qualities of European Renaissance painting.

Later, the manuscript could have been gifted to Cardinal Ferdinando de Medici by Philip II or just escaped confiscation and were transported to a safe haven in Rome, in the library of this Cardinal, collector of exotic plants, precious stones, and wondrous objects from America, including feather paintings such as are described in detail in the manuscript. When Ferdinando renounced the red hat to succeed his late brother, Francesco I, as Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1587, he took the manuscript with him to Florence. Although he generally kept the existence of the book secret, he allowed it to be consulted for the ceiling frescoes painted by Ludovico Buti in the armory in the Uffizi in 1588. Retained in the Medici guardarobba for most of the grand-ducal period, the book entered the Medicea Laurenziana Library in 1783, and thenceforth has generally been known as the Codex Florentinus, Codice fiorentino, or Florentine Codex.

Therefore, what is commonly referred to as the Florentine Codex is a manuscript that consists of 12 books devoted to different topics, firstly completed around 1579, archived in the Medicea Laurenziana Library of Florence, Italy. Sahagún followed the typology of earlier medieval works in organizing his research into “the divine, human, and natural things” of New Spain and addressing these topics in order.

Book I ‘The Gods’ thus deals with the gods. It describes the principal deities in the Aztec pantheon, listing their distinctive physical features, attire, main functions, and the festivals dedicated to them. To make these gods more comprehensible to European readers, Sahagún sometimes likens them to figures from Greek and Roman mythology. Huitzilopochtli (“Uitzilobuchtli” in the codex) is called “another Hercules,” Tezcatlipoca “another Jupiter.” Huitzilopochtli was the patron god of the Aztecs, who guided them on their pilgrimage from Aztlán, the mythical “white land” of their origins, to the “promised land,” where in 1325 they founded the city of Tenochtitlan. He was the god of war and of the sun, huge, immensely strong, and warlike, and to him was dedicated one of the two shrines of the Templo Mayor (Great Pyramid) of Tenochtitlan. The other shrine was dedicated to Tlaloc, the lord of rain, who lived on the highest mountains where clouds form and was associated with the agricultural world and the fertility of the land. Huitzilopochtli, Tlaloc, and two other major gods are depicted on folio 10r. For Sahagún, religion was the key to Aztec civilization. As he wrote in the prologue to Book I, “in religion and the adoration of their gods, I do not believe that there have ever been idolaters more devoted to their gods, nor at such great cost to themselves as these [people] of New Spain.”

Book II ‘The Ceremonies’ deals with the feasts and sacrifices to the gods, made in accordance with the 20-day ritual calendar. It includes the 20 sacred canticles or hymns to the gods, which Sahagún gathered from oral testimony at an early stage in his research. This book also describes ceremonies involving human sacrifice, which so shocked the Spaniards when they arrived in Mexico. Sacrifices were offered so that the cosmic cycle might continue and the sun rise every morning. In a perennial process of regeneration, it was thought that Aztec gods died and then returned to life stronger than before, and it was their death that was “relived” in the sacrifice. The gods were embodied in the sacrificial victims—their ixiptla (images) or representatives—and received sustenance from human hearts and blood. The illustration at folio 84v depicts the sacrifice of the ixiptla of Tezcatlipoca, god of the night sky and of memory. The victim was to be a fit young man, without physical imperfections, who was granted a year to live at leisure, learning to play the flute and to carry “smoking tubes” in the manner of the chiefs and nobles. He was then carefully dressed and adorned and, after various ceremonies, taken to the foot of the pyramid where he was killed. The sacrificial victims were generally soldiers captured in battle, but they also could be slaves, men found guilty of some crime, or young women or children (offered to the deities of the rain and the waters). In battle, the goal was not to kill the enemy, but to take prisoners, who were grabbed by the hair and destined to be sacrificed. Warfare for the purpose of securing sacrificial victims is depicted in the illustrations on folio 74r and folio 74v of this book.

Book III ‘The Origin of the Gods’ deals with the origin of the gods, in particular Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl, and includes appendices on the afterlife and on education. Aztec religion was permeated with stories about the birth, death, and return to life of the gods. This perennial process of regeneration was reflected in ceremonies involving human and other sacrifice and in the architecture of Tenochtitlan. The Templo Mayor (Great Pyramid) was dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc and had separate shrines to each of these gods. This dual construction had great significance in Mesoamerican cosmology, symbolizing the two sacred mountains, Tonacatepetl (the Hill of Sustenance), and Coatepec (the Hill of the Snake). The shrine dedicated to Tlaloc, the god of rain, represented the mountain housing maize and other things that Quetzalcoatl stole from the gods to give to mankind. The shrine dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, the god of war and of the sun, represented the mountain on which the god was born, already an adult and dressed as a warrior, his mother Coatlicue having generated him after she placed a feather ball in her lap. On the mountain the god defeated his sister Coyolxauhqui, the moon goddess, and his 400 brothers who were jealous of his birth. Once dead, they went to form the Milky Way. Among the noteworthy illustrations in Book III is the depiction, on folio 232v, in the appendix on education, of parents taking children to school. The nobles sent their children to the calmecac (row of houses), an extremely strict school reserved for the elite, where they received instructions on how to become “those who command, chiefs and senators and nobles, … those who have military posts.”

Book IV ‘The Art of Divination’ deals with the art of divination, or judicial astrology as practiced by the Aztecs, and in particular with the Tonalpohualli (ritual calendar). The Mesoamericans used two calendars, one solar and the other ritual. The Xiuhpohualli (solar calendar) had a cycle of 365 days divided into 18 months of 20 days each, plus five days considered inauspicious. The ritual calendar consisted of 260 days and was formed by associating the numbers from 1 to 13 with 20 different signs. A table that was principally used by priests in divination is reproduced in striking detail on folios 329r and 329v. Among the other illustrations in Book IV is a gruesome depiction of anthropophagy, or ritual cannibalism, which often was practiced as part of the rite of human sacrifice. Sahagún describes the sacrifice in relation to the festivals of Xipe Tótec, the god of spring and regeneration, and of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war and of the sun (folio 268r). Prisoners were taken to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, killed, and their flesh consumed by the notables. By means of this practice, the strength of the enemy was consumed and assumed by their captors, in a kind of communion with the dead person and with the gods.

Book V ‘Omens and Superstitions’ deals with omens, auguries, and superstitions. As in Book IV, on divination, Sahagún cites ancient native traditions gleaned from questionnaires and interactions with Nahua elders. Sahagún’s enduring interest in this subject was scholarly and ethnographic, but fundamentally religious in its motivation. He believed that many of the conversions to Christianity claimed by Catholic priests in Mexico were superficial, and masked lingering adherence to pagan beliefs. As he wrote in the prologue to his work, the “sins of idolatry and idolatrous rites, superstitions and omens, and superstitions and idolatrous ceremonies have not disappeared altogether. In order to preach against these things or even to be aware of their existence, we must be familiar with how they were practiced in pagan times, [because] through our ignorance, they [the Indians] do many idolatrous things without our understanding it.”

Book VI ‘Rhetoric and Moral Philosophy’ is concerned with rhetoric and moral philosophy. It contains texts that Sahagún collected around 1547, in the earliest stage of his research into indigenous culture, from oral recitations by Nahua elders. Known as Huehuetlahtolli (Ancient word), these texts embodied, according to Sahagún, “the rhetoric, moral philosophy, and theology of the Mexican people, in which there are many curious things exhibiting the beauties of the language and very delicate things relating to the moral virtues.” Although he was repelled by Aztec religion, Sahagún was deeply impressed by the wisdom and beauty of the ancient texts, and he quotes at length, for example, a talk delivered by a Nahua father to a daughter who has reached the age of reason. An illustration of parents exhorting their children is at folio 80r. In the original binding, Book VI was the beginning of the second volume. It thus opens with a dedication to Rodrigo de Sequera, commissary general of the Franciscan Order and a great admirer of Sahagún’s work. A similar dedication originally was placed at the beginning of Book I, but it subsequently was torn out and survives only in a later copy of the codex.

Book VII ‘The Sun, Moon, and Stars, and the Binding of the Years’ is about the sun, the moon, and the stars. It contains an account of the creation of the sun and the moon in what the Aztecs called the “fifth age of the world,” which Sahagún drew from ancient poems and legends shared with him by the elders. The illustration at folio 228v depicts the rabbit in the moon. The ancient Mesoamericans claimed that the outline of a rabbit could be seen in a full moon, a visual effect that results from the combination of dark spots caused by the alteration of rises and craters on the moon’s surface, but which they explained mythologically. In the Aztec account, before the creation of the day the gods met at Teotihuacán to create the sun so that it might illuminate the world. For this to happen, someone had to sacrifice himself. The god Tezcuciztecatl (also seen as Tecciztecatl) volunteered, but another god was also required. Everyone else was afraid and no one stepped forward, so they turned to Nanahuatzin, who was covered with pustules, and he accepted gracefully. Both gods prepared themselves for sacrifice by doing penance for four days. Tezcuciztecatl performed self-sacrifice using feathers, gold, and sharp fragments of precious stones and coral, while Nanahuatzin used humble materials and offered up his blood and pus. A large fire was lit and all the gods gathered around it at midnight, but when the moment came for Tezcuciztecatl to throw himself into the fire to be transformed into the sun, he hung back. Nanahuatzin, in contrast, bravely threw himself into the fire and began to shine. Only then did Tezcuciztecatl, who was envious, follow suit to be transformed into a second sun. The gods had not reckoned on there being two lights of equal brightness in the sky, so one of them took a rabbit and hurled it into the second sun to diminish its brightness, which is how it came to be the moon, with the shape of a rabbit visible on its face.

Book VIII ‘Kings and Lords’ is concerned with kings and nobles, forms of government, elections of rulers, and the customs and pastimes of the nobility. In addition to being interested in these topics for their own sake, Sahagún was motivated by linguistic considerations to describe as many aspects of Aztec life as he could. It was only by doing so, he explained, that he could bring “to light all the words of this language with their literal and metaphoric meanings and all their manners of speech and the greater part of their antiquities, good and evil.” Book VIII is rich in illustrations relating to the Aztec way of life. The paintings at folios 219, 261, and 280–81 relate to clothing. They show the loom, how clothing was made, and textile patterns worn by the nobility. The majority of the Aztec population could only wear clothes made from agave yarn, undyed and without adornment, but the nobles wore colored cotton clothes decorated with shell or bone-and-feather patches. The illustration on folio 269r shows the game patolli, described by Sahagún as similar to dice, in which the players gambled jewels and other possessions by letting fall three large beans onto a large cross painted on a mat. The illustration on folio 292v depicts tlachtli, a ball game originally linked to the Mesoamerican view of the cosmos as the product of a clash between opposing but complementary forces, such as life and death, day and night, fertility and barrenness, and light and darkness. The struggle was reproduced in the game, as two teams representing opposing cosmic forces faced each other on a court, striving to bounce a heavy rubber ball as many times as possible against the side walls of the court. According to Sahagún, the game was a diversion of the nobility that had lost its earlier religious significance.

Book IX ‘The merchants’ is about merchants, officials responsible for gold and precious stones, and feather working. The pochteca (merchants) were an important group in Aztec society. They undertook long journeys in search of precious commodities and goods, and they were valued for the information they gathered in the lands they visited, which the Aztecs often used to plan wars of conquest. Pack animals and the wheel were unknown in Mesoamerica, so goods were carried on foot by tlameme (porters), who placed their loads in a cacaxtli (wooden frame), which was supported by a cord that went around the porter’s shoulders and forehead. Folio 316r contains an illustration showing porters with their loads. Arte plumario (feather art) was one of the minor arts practiced in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica. Feather-art products were reserved for the Aztec elite—the king, nobles, priests, and warriors—who wore items such as cloaks, fans, and headdresses principally for ceremonies. Folio 370r has an illustration showing artisans at work on a headdress. Also discussed in Book IX is smoking, which the Mesoamericans did during banquets and religious ceremonies, using both pipes that were filled with herbs and grasses or by smoking cigars made by rolling up tobacco leaves. Smoking is depicted on folio 336r.

Book X ‘The People, Their Virtues and Vices, and Other Nations’ is about Aztec society and covers such subjects as the virtues and vices of the people, food and drink, the parts of the human body, and illnesses and remedies. In this book, Sahagún describes the process of making chocolate from cacao beans, which is also depicted on folio 71v. The beverage made from pure cacao and spices was considered the greatest delicacy, and was reserved only for the nobles. Book X also discusses agriculture and food preparation. The Aztec economy was based mainly on agriculture. Farming was the responsibility of the commoners, who cultivated land assigned to them and the land of the nobles and rulers. The staple crop was corn, from which the Aztecs made a kind of bread. Preparing food was the task of women, and is depicted on folio 315r. While the commoners had a very simple diet, the elite ate richer and more abundant fare. Sahagún includes a long list of dishes flavored with different sauces. The last chapter in Book X, on “the nations who have come to inhabit this land,” includes two lengthy texts, derived from Sahagún’s questioning of Nahua elders, on the history of Mesoamerica. One tells of Quetzalcoatl and the Toltecs; the other gives an overview of the cultural evolution of the Nahua peoples.

Book XI ‘Natural Things’ the longest in the codex, is a treatise on natural history. Following the traditional division of knowledge common to many European encyclopedic works, the Florentine Codex deals with “all things divine (or rather idolatrous), human and natural of New Spain.” Thus, having dealt with higher beings and humans, Sahagún turns to animals, plants, and all types of minerals. For the discussion of medicinal herbs and minerals, Sahagún drew upon the knowledge of indigenous physicians, creating what the scholar Miguel León-Portilla has called a kind of pre-Hispanic pharmacology. The discussion of animals draws upon Aztec legends about various animals, both real and mythical. The book is an especially important source for understanding how the Mesoamericans used natural resources before the arrival of the Europeans. Many animals raised in Europe, such as cows, pigs, chickens, and horses, were unknown to Mesoamerican peoples. Instead they raised rabbits, xoloitzcuintli (a breed of hairless dog), birds, and, in particular, turkeys. They supplemented their diet with wild boars, deer, tapirs, birds, frogs, ants, crickets, and snakes. Other animals were hunted chiefly for their skins, such as the jaguar and other felines, or for their feathers. Book XI contains numerous illustrations of animals, including mammals (jaguar and armadillo), birds, reptiles, amphibians, fish, and insects.

Book XII ‘The conquest of Mexico’ recounts the Spanish conquest of Mexico, which took place between 1519, when Cortés landed on the coast with just over 100 men and a few horses, and 1521, when Tenochtitlan was taken and the Aztecs subjugated. The story is told from the perspective of indigenous elders who were living in Tenochtitlan at the time of the conquest and witnessed firsthand the events described. Sahagún gathered these accounts around 1553–55, when he was working at the College of Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco. The Náhuatl narrative begins with an evocation of the “signs and omens” that were said to have appeared before the arrival of the Spanish and concludes with the surrender of Tenochtitlan after an 80-day siege. By drawing upon primary accounts, Sahagún was able to capture the astonishment felt by the Aztecs and the trauma that followed their defeat at the hands of the Spanish. Among the key factors that determined the Spanish victory were the ruthlessness of the Spanish soldiers and of Cortés in particular, the use of horses and firearms, which the Mesoamericans had never seen, and Cortés’s intuition that the peoples of the Aztec Empire were prepared to join forces with him to shake off Aztec rule. Book XII contains numerous illustrations depicting scenes from the conquest, including the arrival of Cortés, an image of the Templo Mayor (Great Pyramid) in Tenochtitlan, battles between the indigenous people and the Spanish, and destruction of Aztec temples by the Spanish.

Book XII therefore contains the History of the conquest of New Spain, which can be read online in English, Spanish and Náhuatl, in the Early Nahuatl Library of the University of Oregon.

It can be said that there are at least four versions of this Book XII. The first version, with texts in Spanish and Náhuatl, was completed around 1579 and was delivered to Sequera as part of the twelve books later known as the Florentine Codex.

The second version of Book XII was done by Sahagún when, reviewing what he kept of his papers in 1585, he set out to correct and enrich his ancient nahua testimonies about the conquest. At the beginning of what was his new version he wrote down the following:

“When this writing [about the Conquest] was written, which has been over thirty years ago, it was all written in the Mexican language. Those who helped me in this scripture were old principal and very knowledgeable […] who were present in the war when this city was conquered.

In book XII, where it is about this Conquest, several defects were made, and it was that some things were put into the narration of this Conquest that were misplaced, and others were silent, that were poorly silenced. For this cause, this year of one thousand five hundred and eighty-five, I amended this book ”

So we have two editions of Sahagun from this book XII, one from 1579 and another from 1585. There is a third version of this book, only in Spanish, known by the end of the 18th century and named Tolosa Manuscript for having been stored in the Franciscan convent of Tolosa (Navarra). This copy, made around 1580, basically coincides with the Spanish text of Book XII of the Florentine Codex.

In addition, we can even consider a fourth version in Spanish. This is the complete translation of the original Nahuatl text, since Fray Bernardino’s Spanish translations are partial, adding and removing paragraphs throughout the book.

When in 1829 Bustamante began the editions of General history, he included the text of the Tolosa Manuscript as History of the conquest of New Spain, in Spanish, without illustrations and without the corrections made by Sahagún in 1585.

1829 Bustamante

Bustamante himself published in 1840 for the first time the version corrected by Fray Bernardino in 1585, although with a strange title: The Apparition of Our Lady of Guadalupe de Mexico (full title in Spanish: La aparición de Ntra. Señora de Guadalupe de México. Comprobada con la refutación del argumento negativo que presenta D. Juan Bautista Muñoz, fundándose en el testimonio del P. Fr. Bernardino de Sahagún; o sea, Historial Original de este escritor que altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado concepto de ser la única y original de dicho autor).

In later editions various editorial solutions have been given to the existence of different versions of the same work:

So far there are no satisfactory critical editions of the History of the conquest of New Spain, although at least we have the possibility to check online the different versions and get an idea of the evolution of this peculiar book:

  1. General history of the things of New Spain, or Florentine Codex, Book XII, circa 1579 (https://www.wdl.org/es/item/10096/view/3/823/) Text in Spanish and Náhuatl, two columns, with illustrations. The Spanish text does not correspond to a complete translation of the Nahuatl text. (References: CN1, CS1)
  2. History of the Conquest of Mexico, published by Carlos María de Bustamante in Mexico, 1829, separated from the General history of the things of New Spain. It bears the title: “Twelve book of how the Spaniards conquered the city of Mexico”(https://archive.org/details/historiadelaconq00sahaiala/page/viii) Spanish text taken from the Tolosa Manuscript, copy of the 1579 text made around 1580. No illustrations. (Reference: CS2)
  3. The appearance of Our Lady of Guadalupe of Mexico. Proven with the refutation of the negative argument presented by Juan Bautista Muñoz, based on the testimony of Fr. Bernardino de Sahagún; that is, Original History of this writer that alters the one published in 1829 in the wrong concept of being the only and original of said author, Mexico, 1840 (http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000123164&page=1) Contains the Spanish text of the latest version of Sahagún, written in 1585, of the History of the Conquest of Mexico. (Reference: CS3)
  4. General history of the things of New Spain, prepared by Joaquín Ramírez Cabañas, with a preliminary study by Wigberto Jiménez Moreno, in five volumes, Mexico, 1938. Volume IV contains Book XII that deals with the Conquest of Mexico (https://archive.org/details/b29827620_0004/page/14) Includes the Spanish text of the Tolosa Manuscript and, in notes, the variants of the Sahagún text of 1585. It also includes a full Spanish translation of the Náhuatl text in the Florentine Codex. No illustrations. (References: CS1, CS2, CS3, CS4)
  5. History of the conquest of New Spain (Book XII of General history), which can be read in the online version in English, Spanish and Náhuatl of the Early Nahuatl Library of the University of Oregon, 2000-2018 (https://enl.uoregon.edu/fcbk12ch01/elements/fcbk12ch01f01r/00) Contains the illustrations of the Florentine Codex and the texts in Spanish, Náhuatl, with the Spanish text translated into English, and the Náhuatl text translated into English. (References: CN1, CS1, CS4, CE1, CE2)

Other references:

Wolf, Gerhard, Joseph Connors, and Louis A Waldman, ed. 2012. Colors Between Two Worlds: The Florentine Codex of Bernardino de Sahagún. Florence: Villa I Tatti.